Andy Burnham’s economics will not work

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Andy Burnham says he wants to break with the failed neoliberal economics that have damaged Britain for decades. He talks about public ownership, reindustrialisation, regional investment and rebuilding public services. But does his programme actually deliver any of those things?

In this video, I look in detail at what Burnham is really proposing, and whether it amounts to genuine economic change or simply a softer version of the same failed system.

I argue that Burnham's model of “public ownership” often looks remarkably similar to the regulatory framework that already failed in the water industry. Thames Water, sewage dumping, dividend extraction and infrastructure collapse all happened under systems of public regulation combined with private ownership.

At the same time, Burnham says he would still obey Rachel Reeves' fiscal rules. That means accepting the same Treasury constraints that have blocked serious public investment for decades.

So can you really challenge neoliberalism while reassuring the bond markets, protecting fiscal rules and refusing to confront the power of finance?

This video examines the contradictions at the heart of Burnham's programme and asks whether Labour still has any real alternative to the economic model that created Britain's current crisis.

This is the audio version:

The Debate Ammunition for this video is in a PDF here.

This is the transcript:


Andy Burnham is making a serious bid to reframe Labour's economic direction as part of his leadership campaign. Now, that leadership campaign might fail because Reform might well beat him in his bid to return to parliament, but we do need to look at what he is saying nonetheless.

He is promoting public ownership, reindustrialisation and regional devolution. The pitch is deliberately placed between Corbynism and Rachel Reeves-style austerity-light neoliberalism, and he presents this as a challenge to the neoliberal model that has failed Britain.

This challenge deserves to be examined seriously. So let's look at what he's actually proposing and whether his economics stack up.

The core argument that Andy Burnham is making is that privatised water, energy, and transport have failed the public. Thames Water, sewage in rivers and unaffordable bills are his evidence for making that claim, and of course, he's right. Those things have happened. Thames Water has failed. So he says, bringing services under public control would change all that.

The diagnosis of failure is correct. The privatisation model has demonstrably failed. But the question is not whether privatisation has not worked because it hasn't. The question is whether what Andy Burnham is proposing is genuinely different. This is where I have my problems.

Burnham uses the term ‘public ownership' as a broad umbrella term covering very many different arrangements.

In some sectors, he means direct state ownership of assets.

In others, he means franchising, which is what is happening with regard to Greater Manchester buses.

In other areas, he means a regulated private operation under public planning frameworks, which is exactly what is happening in water now.

Owning assets, controlling prices, operating services, and bearing financial risks are not, however, all the same thing, and he routinely collapses these distinctions, and that is not an accident on his part. It is a deliberate political choice that he is creating to leave the public confused as to what he really means.

The important point to note is that the water industry has operated under exactly the model that Andy Burnham is describing, and it has done so for decades.

Ofwat set prices, it monitored investment, and was supposed to protect the public interest. Companies retained private ownership, but operated under public regulatory control, and that regulatory framework is the template that Andy Burnham is now holding up as an alternative to privatisation, even though it was precisely this model that produced Thames Water, sewage discharges, and billions of extracted dividends in the private water companies. The model he is promoting has already been comprehensively tested, and it has failed.

The water sector proved that regulatory oversight cannot substitute for genuine public control. Shareholders still extracted value. Investment was deferred, and regulators could not stop it. Ofwat had formal powers, but lacked the structural authority to prevent asset stripping, and when the model collapsed, as it has, the public has been left bearing the cost, as Thames Water now very clearly shows.

Franchising and licensing create the appearance of public control without the substance to deliver. Burnham's spectrum of ownership models reproduces this exactly, and it incorporates all the structural weaknesses that we've already seen happening.

And even more catastrophically, despite all of this, Andy Burnham is explicitly saying he would observe Rachel Reeves' fiscal rules. He's publicly said so now, and they created the failed outcome he says he wants to address. Those rules tightly limit what the government can borrow and invest. Accepting them as he says he will means accepting the Treasury's definition of what is economically permissible. This is not a break from neoliberalism, then. It is neoliberalism with a regional planning layer added, at best.

You cannot build a serious public investment programme inside these constraints. The fiscal framework he accepts makes much or most of his agenda very difficult to deliver. He's not serious in that case, or he is revealing a serious lack of economic comprehension, and either of those situations is deeply politically dangerous for a man who wants to lead the Labour Party and the country.

And all the while, Andy Burnham is careful to reassure financial markets that there will be no fiscal rupture between him and Rachel Reeves. They can carry on believing that the world will continue as they want, and that reassurance is not a minor qualification; it is structurally central to his whole pitch.

It means private capital retains the power to set the limits of what the government can do. Investment plans will always be ultimately shaped by what the bond markets say they will tolerate. And this is precisely the constraint that has blocked transformative policy since the 1970s in this country.

Calling this programme a challenge to neoliberalism is, as a result, a serious overstatement of the economic truth. Reindustrialisation, mass social housing, and infrastructure investment of the sort that Andy Burnham talks about require serious money. But borrowing for investment or higher taxes are not mentioned by Burnham. We must assume the fiscal rules will constrain his spending then.

And most especially with regard to taxation, there is no proposal for serious tax reform. Wealth taxation is not mentioned. There is no discussion of closing corporate tax abuses and the enormous amount not paid by smaller companies in this country. And there is no discussion of the issues I raised in my Taxing Wealth Report; we'll put a link in down below.

The revenue base he works from is the same austerity-era settlement he claims to oppose. A productive state cannot be built on a fiscal framework designed to limit state activity, which is what we have given that he still believes that tax funds government spending, even though we know it doesn't. The funding gap at the heart of his programme is then left entirely unaddressed, and that will act as a constraint even though we know that tax need not impose such limitations on any government's plans.

Despite the talk of a foundational economy, then, in what Burnham has to say, implying real social purpose to his programme, growth remains its central organising goal. Reindustrialisation, productivity and regional development are all growth-framed devices. Social needs, such as tackling poverty, inequality, care, and the adequacy of public services, are all largely absent from anything he has to say. Reducing household costs appears on his agenda, but as an economic efficiency argument and not as a social one.

A genuinely transformative programme starts from needs and asks how the economy can serve them. Burnham's programme starts from growth and hopes social benefit will follow from it. We're back to trickle-down yet again, then, and that has failed for decades.

He cannot beat Reform like this because he will not challenge any of the reasonable grievances that people who are voting for that party now have. He is instead entirely ignoring them, and that is no basis for him getting back to Parliament. Unless he talks about what the people of his new constituency want, he cannot win there, and he won't be the leader of the Labour Party, and all these grand plans that he currently possesses will come to nothing. And that's because he is accepting neoliberalism's core claim that growth is the measure of economic success.

Burnham is not questioning that. He is simply arguing for a different route to the same destination. He does not ask what we are growing, for whom, or at what social and environmental cost. A post-neoliberal economics should challenge that growth imperative, but he is not doing that; he's just arguing that he will manage it better. And on this, the deepest question and challenge that he faces, Burnham's programme is silent. That silence is not incidental. It defines the limits of what he's actually proposing.

So the contradictions at the heart of his programme are that he diagnoses privatisation correctly, but proposes a variant of the same regulatory model as his solution.

He calls for public investment, but accepts the fiscal rules that prevent it at scale.

And he reassures the city while claiming to challenge the power of finance.

At the same time, he uses the language of social purpose, but ignores everything but economic growth.

Each element of this programme undermines at least one other element in that case. This is not a coherent exercise in political economy, then; it's a series of positions that cannot all be held at once, but that is what Andy Burnham is trying to do.

In conclusion, then, Andy Burnham's rhetoric is more progressive than that of Rachel Reeves, but that is now a very low bar indeed.

His public ownership model has already been tried in the water industry, and it has comprehensively failed.

His fiscal commitments constrain his investment ambitions before they can even begin, and social need is subordinated to growth in a way that cannot be genuinely transformative, and that is what we require.

And meanwhile, the City remains the silent but decisive constraint on everything he proposes.

Until he breaks with those structural limits, this is a rebranding of the existing settlement and not an alternative to it, and Labour itself is not addressing any of the failures on which Reform is building its foundations in that case.

No wonder people doubt whether Burnham can win. I do have that doubt.

But that's my opinion. What is yours? There's a poll down below. Share your comments, and we will try to read as many of them as we can. Share this video; we'd appreciate it if you do. Like it, if you want to, because that helps us with YouTube, and if you would like to support our channel, please do by making a donation. They do make these videos possible.


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