AI automation will not be our salvation

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I came across an academic article yesterday that was published in March. Entitled 'The AI Layoff Trap', it was authored by Brett Hemenway Falk and Gerry Tsoukalas, who are both based at well-respected US business schools. I should note that this, in part, motivated a post already made this morning on the cost of AI investment. The two posts are linked as a result.

This is the abstract from the paper, written in typical academic style:

 If AI displaces human workers faster than the economy can reabsorb them, it risks eroding the very consumer demand firms depend on. We show that knowing this is not enough for firms to stop it. In a competitive task-based model, demand externalities trap rational firms in an automation arms race, displacing workers well beyond what is collectively optimal. The resulting loss harms both workers and firm owners. More competition and “better” AI amplify the excess; wage adjustments and free entry cannot eliminate it. Neither can capital income taxes, worker equity participation, universal basic income, upskilling, or Coasian bargaining. Only a Pigouvian automation tax can. The results suggest that policy should address not only the aftermath of AI labor displacement but also the competitive incentives that drive it.

So what does that mean? The argument goes something like this, and I have ignored all the maths that underpins and focus on the claims made instead.

First, the claim is that AI-driven automation creates what might be called a demand externality. In other words, as firms replace workers with machines, they reduce wage income, but because wages are the primary driver of consumption, this weakens aggregate demand in the economy as a result. Critically, though, no individual firm bears the full cost of that lost demand: instead, it is dispersed across the entire economy. Each firm, therefore, ignores at least a part of the damage it creates, blaming others for it instead.

Second, this then leads to a predictable outcome. Firms think that they are acting rationally in their own interests, but collectively they generate what the authors describe as a "Nash equilibrium of over-automation" (which I admit is a new term to me). In effect, they behave as if they are trapped in a classic Prisoner's Dilemma model. Each of them has an incentive to automate to protect their profit margins and market share, even though all would be better off if automation were slower. The result is excessive worker displacement, reduced total profits, and lower returns for both labour and capital.

Third, competition actually makes this problem worse, not better. The more fragmented the market, the less any one firm internalises the demand loss it creates. As a result, competitive pressure accelerates automation beyond the socially optimal level. In this case, market forces amplify inefficiency rather than correct it.

Fourth, the paper tests a range of commonly proposed responses and finds most of them inadequate. The paper found that policies such as universal basic income, upskilling, or additional capital taxation may cushion the effects of automation, but they do not address the underlying externality it creates. They might boost demand or redistribute income, but they do not change the incentive to automate excessively. Even profit-sharing and worker participation schemes cannot fully resolve the issue, as the externality is systemic and diffuse.

Fifth, the only policy that directly targets the problem is a Pigouvian tax on automation (click the link for a new glossary entry explaining what a Pigouvian tax is). The authors claim that taxing each act of labour displacement (or redundancy) at its social cost would align private incentives with collective welfare. In principle, this could reduce automation to its socially optimal level. The tax revenue could then be recycled to support incomes, retraining, or public services, reinforcing demand.

Sixth, the paper then introduces an important qualification. If displaced workers are rapidly reabsorbed into higher-paid roles, which the author's model captures with a parameter that determines how income is recycled into demand, the externality can diminish or even reverse. In that case, automation may be welfare-enhancing. However, the model's evidence suggests that this condition is demanding and unlikely to hold in most real-world labour markets, especially in the short to medium term.

The overall conclusion is clear. Left to its own devices, an AI-driven economy is likely to over-automate, destroying demand and reducing well-being. Market mechanisms will not, in most circumstances, self-correct this outcome. In fact, they intensify it.

If that diagnosis is right, the message is clear and is that policy on AI has to move beyond attempts to cushion the effects of automation and must instead confront its causes.

The implication is straightforward, even if politically challenging. If we want an economy in which technological progress improves well-being rather than undermines it, then we cannot leave the pace and direction of automation solely to private decision-making.

Link this issue to that on climate change, and it is apparent that the current AI euphoria is widely misplaced; governments are wrong to think that AI is a solution to any of their problems, and the "tech bros" driving AI automation are not the source of our salvation but are much more likely to be the source of our destruction.

The question then is, who will say that?

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