What would happen to foreign exchange, imports and exports if the UK had a government that understood modern monetary theory?
Would money leave Britain because we import too much?
And would sterling collapse?
In this video, I explain why these fears misunderstand how international trade and currencies actually work.
Imports and exports involve real goods, services and resources, but they also create financial transactions. When a British importer exchanges pounds for another currency, the sterling does not simply disappear from the UK monetary system. Its ownership changes.
Exchange rates can change when demand for currencies changes, but international trade is only part of the story. Enormous financial flows also arise from investment, property, shares, bonds, banking and speculation. These movements can have a greater influence on sterling than Britain's trade balance.
I also explain Britain's balance of payments, the relationship between the current and financial accounts, and why a trade deficit should never be confused with a government budget deficit. The UK government's ability to create sterling is not determined by Britain's imports or exports.
Interest rates also matter. I argue that Britain's longstanding policy of attracting international capital through relatively high interest rates has benefited the City of London while imposing high costs elsewhere in the economy.
So what changes under MMT? The mechanics of foreign exchange do not need to change. Sterling can continue to float against other currencies. What changes is our understanding of the monetary system and our ability to focus policy on real resources, productive capacity, investment and economic resilience.
Rather than fearing trade deficits or believing that Britain can somehow run out of pounds, an MMT-informed government could concentrate on reducing unnecessary import dependence, increasing domestic investment and managing destabilising international financial flows.
An MMT government would not create a foreign exchange crisis. An MMT understanding would instead help us build a stronger and more resilient economy, which is precisely why we need such a government.
This is the audio version:
This is the transcript:
One of the questions I'm often asked is: what happens to foreign currency trading when we have a government that understands modern monetary theory and is following its prescriptions in the UK?
What happens to money when Britain imports or exports as a result? Are we going to be in crisis if money leaves this country because we import things? What will happen to our exchange rate, and what does all this mean for the government and the Bank of England?
Those questions are asked so often I've decided it's time to make this video because the fact is that the issue is not nearly as big as people make out, but it's important nonetheless, and you need to understand it.
Exports are usually presented as good news for a country because they bring money into the country. They support the value of the country . People who want to buy British goods will, in effect, buy British sterling as a result.
The corollary is that imports are presented as bad because money supposedly leaves the economy. We might have to buy a foreign currency as a consequence of having to import goods and services.
Donald Trump has used this argument to justify his utterly destructive trade policies, but trade isn't just about money. That is vital to understand. Trade is about exchanging real resources and real human labour and not simply about accumulating financial balances.
Any international financial transaction always has consequences that extend far beyond trade.
And trade is, I stress, also about both goods and services. We do import goods. We do import services into the UK, but when it comes to exports, we export many more services than we do goods, and our exports include university education, finance, tourism, insurance, and professional advice.
Britain's substantial goods trade deficit, deliberately created by Margaret Thatcher, who went out of her way to undermine UK manufacturing, so you know who to blame for that now, is partly offset by a services surplus. The overall trade balance must take both into account, but even then, it is not the whole story that we need to consider.
But let's consider what happens when we do both import and export.
British importers pay overseas suppliers through the banking system. Banks arrange any necessary exchange of sterling for foreign currency, but importantly, the sterling passes to another holder. It doesn't leave the country. It doesn't exit the UK. It's still here.
Sterling only exists within a banking system that is regulated by the Bank of England. It cannot exist in any other way. Remember, money is not a real thing. It is an entry in a ledger, and the only ledgers which effectively record sterling balances inside the financial services sector are those maintained by banks regulated by the Bank of England.
So if we do import, sterling is used to make a payment by buying foreign currency, but the sterling itself stays in the UK. Somebody buys it. The point is, if too many imports happen, there may be fewer buyers of the sterling that the people who want to import want to sell, and therefore the value of sterling may fall.
I repeat that, and let's be clear about this. If somebody wants to buy goods which are priced in euros, the sterling purchaser has to sell their pounds to buy euros. If too many try to do that, the value of the pound may fall against the euro.
But remember, the volumes of trade are so large, and the relative trade imbalances are so small, and they are, that the impact upon sterling as a consequence of any trade imbalance is minor. That is the key point to understand.
These transactions might change the ownership of money and the resulting financial claims, but they do not reduce them. The amount of sterling is not changed by either importing or exporting where the process works in reverse, by the way.
So how does foreign exchange work? Foreign exchange is just the process of buying and selling different currencies. Banks and currency dealers match buyers and sellers. This is a genuine market, one of the few that probably exists. And exchange rates determine how much one currency costs in terms of another. The fundamental value that is imparted to literally equate that exchange is normally the value of goods and services exchanged between the countries in question, and it's very often determined by their relative labour productivity.
But the point is that whatever happens, sterling exchanged for dollars remains within the sterling monetary system. Its new owner can spend, save, invest, or exchange whatever money it has, and that is not altered by the process of importing and exporting.
The system can change the value of the currency, but as I've already said, these movements are surprisingly small because trade deficits and surpluses are very small overall in proportion to total international financial flows in sterling.
And most importantly, when I come to that point about international financial flows, many of them are not about trade at all.
Foreign investors buy British businesses, property, shares and bonds. Banks transfer funds internationally to finance their operations. Investors move money between currencies seeking higher investment returns. Many of these transactions are entirely speculative rather than connected to production. These financial flows can, if anything, have more impact upon the value of the currency than any trade in goods and services. The answer to those is capital controls.
But what about interest rates and tax havens, because they also have an impact, and it matters? Higher interest rates in the UK can be used to attract overseas financial investment. The Bank of England has deliberately pursued this policy since the 1950s. We have had a high interest rate policy in the UK to attract into the City of London what is called ‘hot money'. That is the world's mobile money, much of which is illicit, and which goes to wherever the highest interest rate is paid.
That is why the City of London has been so successful, but at cost to the rest of the UK, by imposing high interest rates on us to pay high interest rates in turn to people who live outside the UK. We are, in this sense, a perfect tax haven , and all those branch offices, as I call them, of the City of London, which have the names of Jersey, Guernsey, the Isle of Man, the British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, and many others, are all part of this network, which exists to maintain an artificially high value of UK currency at cost to ordinary people in this country who pay too much in rent and too much in mortgages as a result. All of this, then, has an impact, and tax havens are used to impose a cost on us, as are high interest rates maintained by the Bank of England, and that has an impact upon our exchange rate as well.
So what does Britain's balance of payments reveal? The balance of payments records Britain's transactions with the rest of the world. The current account includes trade in goods and services, income and transfers. The financial account records transactions in financial assets and liabilities. A current account deficit has a corresponding financial counterpart, and overseas holdings of British assets are therefore important.
Britain's international financial position cannot then be understood from trade alone, and that is something that everyone has to understand. The obsession with trade when it comes to modern monetary theory is hopelessly misplaced. The whole issue is much more complex than that.
So how does all of this impact the government's money? Let's be clear. It doesn't very greatly. That's the straightforward fact. The Treasury does not receive export earnings or directly finance most private imports. The government's spending and taxation are separate from international trade payments. They are all in sterling, of course. Trade nevertheless influences employment, income, prices, and tax revenues as a consequence. But a trade deficit is not the same as a government budget deficit. And confusing the two would be a big mistake.
And, the government's capacity to create sterling is not determined by trade either. What is more, because all the government's debts are paid in sterling, the exchange rate does not impact them. Again, this has to be remembered.
So what is the role of the Bank of England in all of this? Commercial banks handle most of international payments. It is only sterling settlements between British banks that use central bank reserve accounts held with the Bank of England. And the Bank of England can create those reserves whenever required. Its ability to do so is not in any way constrained by Britain's trade balance.
However, its interest rate decisions do influence international financial flows. I've already explained this. Higher interest rates tend to attract money into the UK and support the value of the pound. Lower interest rates tend to let money leave the UK, and the value of the pound falls. But a falling value of the pound can be good for the UK economy because it encourages more employment, more economic activity, more investment, and growth. In other words, in the current system, the Bank has little overall control over exchange rates, but that which it has tends to be used in a way that is frankly not beneficial to the overall level of economic activity in this country.
So, does modern monetary theory change any of this? The answer is yes in the sense that it helps us understand the reality of what we are looking at. That is always the case. MMT changes nothing about the way in which international trade or foreign exchange operates. Let me make that very clear. In fact, MMT says international trade and foreign exchange rates should operate as they do now, and the pound should float against other currencies to absorb the shocks that are created, for example, by war, supply shortages and so on.
Exchange rates, MMT says, should reflect real trade, real investment, and wider financial flows, and they are not just part of simply domestic monetary plumbing. In that sense, MMT changes very little about foreign trade and the stability, which overall does exist with regard to exchange rates, would not in any way be impacted by MMT.
But the ability of the Bank of England to create sterling, which MMT exposes, may have an impact because, as a consequence of that understanding, MMT might encourage a better allocation of real resources, the reduction of import dependence, and the creation of resources that reduce the risk of inflation and all of those things could help the stability of our exchange rate.
In this way, MMT influences exchange rates, not by playing with money itself, but by changing the underlying economic reality that makes the UK a stronger, less dependent, in a sense, more closed economy, which cannot therefore suffer the shocks which it is currently being exposed to, because of our failure to invest in ourselves.
The important point is that MMT explains the monetary system, but what it also does is provide the empowerment to understand how the real economy works.
So why do then exchange rates sometimes change very dramatically? Sometimes they have, and let's be clear, that is very rarely, if ever, because of a change in trading relationships. Major political crises are what create major exchange rate differences. The 2008 financial crisis resulted in money leaving the UK economy because the City of London tried to fail. As a consequence, money left. The value of the pound fell.
Brexit caused another major sterling adjustment because we were less competitive internationally. But it wasn't money that changed in value. The value of our goods and services and the relative power relationships between us and the EU changed, and there was a currency adjustment as a consequence.
Liz Truss also managed this goal in 2022, but that was because of her irresponsibility and the irresponsibility at the Bank of England by simultaneously announcing a programme of quantitative tightening, which was previously unknown in the world, and it was that double event which created the fall in the value of sterling.
These episodes demonstrate the importance of political and financial confidence. They do not in any way suggest that an MMT outlook would actually create a problem with regard to the exchange rate.
In fact, let's ask that question. Would MMT create a crisis of confidence? And the answer is no. Why is that? It's because it better explains how the existing monetary system works, and it will help with better management of that system in the future. That should provide stability and not a crisis.
So what should governments actually worry about then with regard to foreign trade? It doesn't need to worry about trade deficits if they are matched by surpluses, for example, in invisible earnings.
They can worry about excessive holdings of funds in the UK economy because of an over-enlarged City of London, because that can create domestic financial instability if interest rate policy has to be run for that reason. That is a cause for concern and does suggest we should reduce our dependence upon financial services, and we will be a stronger, more resilient economy if we did do so.
And it does suggest, if we have a trade deficit that we should be investing in the UK economy to improve our productive capacity, as a consequence increasing employment and our economic security.
MMT would highlight all these issues, but all the benefits would be very real and strongly positive as a consequence.
That is the point of MMT. MMT helps us understand trade. It helps us understand the reason for investment and how we can fund it. And it helps us understand financial regulation and the need, for example, to put in place capital controls when we have a period of turbulent international financial flows because of hot money. And all of those things could create better economic stability, sustainability, and public well-being.
In summary, MMT will provide a better understanding of the management of all issues that are involved in foreign exchange transactions, our balance of trade , and real trade. That's its importance. That's why I think it matters, and there is no risk from an MMT-managed economy as a result.
That's what I think. What do you think? There is, of course, a poll down below. We do appreciate you taking part because we do look at those, and they do influence our thinking. Please leave your comments. Please do, if you want to subscribe to the channel. And if you would like to support our work, there is a button down below which will let you do that, and we would very much appreciate it.
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I need an infographic to let me get my head around this. Would that be possible?
I have one in development….
I just need more time…
Nowhere else to put this today but there is an interesting article in todays Guardian
https://www.theguardian.com/business/2026/oct/16/isabella-weber-anti-fascist-economics
She is scheduled to do a podcast with me soon.
Thanks, John – this is a really good article and I’ve reposted on Bluesky.
It’s interesting that it reinforces what Richard has been promoting on this Blog. I’ll definitely try and get hold of a copy of her book as well.
As I say, she will be a guest here. We just need to agree when. She asked.
It is good to have this reassurance about such matters.
It also tells us just how current thinking is built around a really poor understanding of sovereign money.
A system built around MMT at its core might look different and face us with different problems and challenges and opportunities. This is why MMT needs to be supported vigorously as we are denied the flexibility of alternatives.
Thanks again for
In short, might it be that M M T is opposed by power groups who benefit socio-economically and politically from the current set up and so fear the exposure of its misleading and, ultimately, parasitic nature?
Richard,
You are right that sterling doesn’t physically leave Britain when we import. Every economics undergraduate knows this. The trouble is what you build on that truism.
The pounds an importer sells don’t vanish. They become foreign-owned claims on Britain: gilts, property, equities. The UK has run a current account deficit almost every year since the mid-1980s, financed by foreigners willingly accumulating those claims. Mark Carney called this relying on “the kindness of strangers”. You treat the financial account as a footnote. It is the constraint.
Your own framework says inflation, not solvency, limits government spending. Yet in an import-dependent economy, the exchange rate is a principal channel for inflation. After the 2016 referendum, sterling’s fall fed through to prices and squeezed real wages. The export boost you promise from depreciation largely failed to arrive. With roughly a quarter of gilts index-linked, that inflation lands directly on the public finances you claim are immune to the currency.
Your history is no sounder. You say Britain has pursued high rates since the 1950s to attract hot money, yet Bank Rate stayed below 1% from 2009 until 2022. You call quantitative tightening “previously unknown”, ignoring the Federal Reserve’s 2017–19 programme. You then blame it for the 2022 crisis, when the Bank actually postponed gilt sales while an unfunded budget and leveraged pension funds did the damage.
That episode is the real lesson: markets punish governments that appear to dismiss constraints. Your prescription is effectively unconstrained money creation, capital controls and a more closed economy. That sends precisely the signal markets punish. Telling the public confidence cannot break does not make it unbreakable. It only ensures they are unprepared when it does.
You have written a lengthy response to arguments I have not made.
I have never suggested that exchange rates do not matter, that depreciation cannot cause inflation, or that confidence in sterling is irrelevant. Nor have I proposed unconstrained money creation or a closed economy.
I explicitly recognise inflation and the availability of real resources as constraints on government policy. That includes the consequences of exchange rate movements.
Foreign ownership of sterling assets does not change the government’s capacity to create sterling. It may influence exchange rates and asset prices, but that is a different issue from government solvency.
Nor does the 2022 gilt crisis demonstrate what you claim. It exposed the fragility of leveraged pension investment strategies alongside a disastrous government budget.
You are also confusing the existence of a financial account with proof that it imposes the particular constraints you assert.
There are legitimate questions about exchange rates, international financial flows and economic policy. I discuss them regularly.
But attributing positions to me that I do not hold, and then attacking them, is not a serious contribution to that discussion, so please do not waste my time.
I feel that I’m wading into waters without knowing the depth here but…..as I understand it, if we import goods and services then we are getting ‘real’ things for sterling that we have ‘created’ (which feels like a plus!). If that then results in foreign owned sterling assets here in the UK and those assets are effectively and properly taxed does that make said ownership an issue or liability for us?
You have understood the essential point correctly. When we import goods and services, we receive something of real value in exchange for sterling. That is a benefit to us, not automatically a problem.
The sterling paid to overseas suppliers does not disappear. It can be used to buy British goods and services, held in bank accounts, invested in government bonds or used to purchase other UK assets.
The important distinction is between owning financial claims and owning productive assets. Foreign ownership of government bonds or bank deposits is not inherently a problem. Nor is foreign investment necessarily undesirable.
However, foreign ownership of land, housing, infrastructure and businesses can create problems if it gives overseas investors excessive control or allows them to extract income without making an adequate contribution to the UK economy.
That is where taxation, regulation and the protection of essential public assets matter.
So I agree with your reasoning. The issue is not that foreigners hold sterling or sterling-denominated assets. It is what they own, how they use that ownership, and whether the resulting economic benefits are fairly shared.
Those are matters for democratic economic policy, not reasons to fear importing things we need.
My vote goes for “not sure” because although it should become more stable or make no difference (since the monetary system remains the same -MMT being merely a description of the workings of a fiat currency system) there are plenty of ‘bad actors’ operating ‘the markets’ who would doubtless be seeking to screw the new understanding for a profit. How disruptive that would be is beyond my ken.
Maybe I’m just cynical(?)
There would be disruption, but ot would only last a few days. The disruptors could not make it last longer than that.
In your preamble, you initially state that “When a British importer exchanges pounds for another currency, the sterling does not simply disappear from the UK monetary system. Its ownership changes”.
Later you mention that “money can leave the UK”. This seemingly contradicts your earlier statement. Additionally, you do not specify the currency of the “money”.
To avoid confusion, would it be better to say that, when goods or services are imported, the ownership of sterling used for the purchase of the imports is transferred to foreigners, rather than to say that “money” actually leaves?
I am hoping that my suggestion does reflect your initial point accurately.
Money can leave UK ownership – but it is still sterling within the UK banking system. Thje situations are then different. But both are true.
The issue is that MMT could arguably give free rein to governments to cut taxes and to spend profligately on military build-up and war, which seem to be government priorities. This would imply an allocation of resources away from much needed infrastructure (in its broadest sense, ie also health, education, etc).
Such a set of policies is likely to cause the pound to fall, as investment is in low ROI activity (ie military, war), which is not generating productive capacity or a growing economy.
The relevance then of looking at public debt: GDP ratio, is that it is a crude measure of the extent to which government money printing is in line or exceeds GDP growth; if it exceeds growth in the long term, it is suggestive that government policy has mal-invested. After all banks create money when they lend, but they need to recoup their capital and earn a return, otherwise they would go bust.
MMT does not create that possibility.
It exists.
MMT enables left-wing thinking.
I am not disputing that the right could use it as well.
But are you saying we should stick our heads in the sand, do nothing, and pretend MMT is not there? Why?
And there is no relevance in looking at public debt: your claims are hopelessly misplaced.
Sorry Richard, why is public debt irrelevant? Any money created by the government is a liability of the government. It must be debt, no? So the ratio of public debt to GDP is a measure of the extent to which government created money is growing faster (or slower than GDP). If the ratio is growing over many years, surely that is indicative of a country that is mal-investing (such as military spending), and hence a precursor to investors losing faith in the currency.
You are right that government-created money is recorded as a liability of the state. But that does not make it debt in the conventional sense, requiring repayment from future income. The government that issues sterling can always create the sterling needed to meet its obligations.
More importantly, what we call the national debt is the accumulated financial savings of the private sector held in government liabilities, including bonds. It is not simply a measure of money created by government.
The debt-to-GDP ratio tells us very little about whether government spending has been productive. A government could invest heavily in infrastructure, education and healthcare, increasing recorded debt whilst substantially improving future economic prospects. Another could keep debt low by neglecting all three.
I agree that wasteful spending matters, and that persistent inflation or poor economic management can undermine confidence in a currency. But the debt-to-GDP ratio does not tell us whether those problems exist.
We should judge government spending by what it achieves, the resources it uses and its consequences for inflation, employment and public well-being, not by an arbitrary financial ratio.
Most activity in the City does not impinge on the UK at all (other than support the sale of gilets – the garment of choice among young bankers). Eg. 40% of global FX activity takes place in London but only 10% involves GBP in the trade. Fund management, insurance (and, yes, money laundering) largely take place in USD or EUR.
GBP volatility – and you note three instances – is driven (almost) always by domestic factors. 1) 2008 saw the bailout of RBS, who’s balance sheet at the time was larger than UK GDP (mainly in non-GBP assets)…. with the UK government on the hook for the bailout. 2) Brexit – killing small exporters (among other things) 3) Truss – economic and political stupidity.
Of course, the earnings of this sector gives them power over domestic policy (high interest rates etc.) and that is a problem but this should be addressed directly by shaking up the BoE and HMRC rather than deliberately reducing the size of the finance sector.
The adoption os an “MMT mindset” would certainly be considered a major domestic event that might promote GBP volatility…. and I may post again after thinking through some of the consequences.
Thank you
It may be a big event, but like the Truss one, it would be over by the end of the week.
I don’t think so. Extreme volatility would die away quickly (as you suggest) but managing the economy through am MMT lens will almost certainly mean a few things.
First, with tax doing the heavy lifting on inflation control we would expect (even hope) that real interest rates would fall. This expectation would lead to some long term changes in gilt holdings – particularly foreign holdings.
Second, most people (including me) would expect higher taxes… which would probably include corporation tax which, again, might make foreign investors less keen on UK assets.
Third, investors – particularly government bond investors – don’t like novelty. If the UK were to remain an “outlier” it would see less interest from foreigners.
Now, this may be no bad thing. I have never understood why governments always trumpet any new foreign investment in the UK – it makes me wonder “why aren’t UK investors backing the project? Or are we just fleecing the foreigners with duff investments?”
But the impact on FX markets would depress GBP for quite some time and this, of course, has inflationary consequences.
Capital controls might be an answer but any whiff of those prior to imposition would create a real GBP rout.
All noted.
But, a fall in the exchange rate can considerably boost the economy too.
We have floundered with an artificially high rate for too long.
I think we would have an economic gain. The underlying support for the value of the pound would rise.
A lower exchange rate, lower real interest rates, lower asset prices/rents (houses etc.) may well be a good thing… but getting from “here” to “there” will almost certainly be chaotic. Managing that chaos to ensure that the ultimate prize (a better run economy with better lives for people) is worth the turmoil to get there. We must avoid “the operation was a success but the patient died”.
Agreed, but the patient is dying anyway