Andy Burnham says nobody should have to sell their home to pay for social care. At first hearing, that sounds compassionate. But is it really fair?
In this video, I argue that his proposal asks the wrong question. The issue is not simply whether people should sell their homes. The real issue is who should contribute towards the cost of social care, and whether our tax system already gives far too much protection to housing wealth.
If homeowners are exempt from contributing, the cost does not disappear. It falls instead on the state, resulting in additional taxes to recoup the money created. Many of these taxes will be paid by younger people who are already paying high rates of National Insurance, VAT, income tax, and student loan repayments while struggling to buy homes of their own.
I argue that this risks widening both wealth inequality and generational inequality. Rather than protecting inherited housing wealth, we should be asking how those with the greatest assets can make a fair contribution towards funding a social care system that benefits everyone.
I also discuss alternative approaches, including reform of inheritance tax, changes to capital gains tax on housing, and an investment income surcharge that could raise enough revenue to achieve all our social care goals without increasing inequality.
Should the tax system protect inherited housing wealth, or should it be redesigned to create a fairer society? That's the debate this video explores.
This is the audio version:
The Debate Ammunition for this video is available here.
This is the transcript:
Andy Burnham is saying that no one should have to sell their home to pay for their social care. That is one of the basic propositions that he has put forward in the debate that we are inevitably going to have about this issue between now and 2029, by which time he says he is going to have solved the problem of how we provide continuing social care in our communities.
His policy sounds compassionate. It will appeal to the readers of the Daily Mail, the Daily Telegraph, and The Daily Express, all of whom are passionate about the ability of people to retain their own homes, even though they no longer live in them, and have no further use for them because they're living in a social care home.
But this debate is really about tax, and that's really important because there are a lot of issues to unpack here. Most of them are about social justice, and Andy Burnham isn't talking about those, and I want to, and that is what this video is about.
Because let's face reality, we haven't solved the problem of social care as yet. I've made a video on how we might do so. There is a link down below or up on the screen right now - I'm not sure where Thomas will put it - but the fact is social care still has to be funded now, and that's a reality. And if homeowners are not going to pay, and that's what Andy Burnham says, someone else is going to have to.
Now you might say, of course, that the government could, and it can of course, it can create the money to do this, but Andy Burnham is saying the question is, what taxes are going to be charged as a consequence of the government making that expenditure. And in that context it's right for us to make the link between the two as well, even though it feels slightly uncomfortable in the context of modern monetary theory.
So let's talk about what Andy Burnham has said. In essence, what he has said is that he is going to protect the wealth of those who have it, and he is not going to ask those with wealth to make a contribution towards the cost of their social care. In other words, he's going to say, you may keep your house even though you have no further use for it because you are now living in a care home, which is costing a lot of money, but you can keep your financial assets because your children have a right to inherit what they think is rightfully theirs.
He's therefore saying that public money must replace a private contribution towards the cost of social care. Let's be clear. That is what he has said. And he said that as a consequence, he thinks some assets are beyond the reach of taxation, and people's homes are.
This extends the privilege that we already grant to private homes. We make them capital gains tax-free both during lifetime and on death. We provide generous allowances when there's a family home when it comes to inheritance tax. The vast majority of families in the UK never see a tax charge on their family home. And the consequence of that is very clear. Every economist knows that this is one of the major reasons why house prices have been overinflated, because there is no tax on the increase in their value. And as a consequence, too much money has been spent on buying private homes, and that has pushed up prices and created intergenerational inequality. Older people own homes; younger people are struggling to get the chance to do so. There is a massive level of inequality on this issue, and what we've just heard Andy Burnham say is that he is going to maintain that inequality.
If we do not require older people to sell their homes to pay for their social care we are providing tax exemption for houses owned by older people so that they can continue to own that asset and pass it onto their children tax free, as many of them will do, and that is apparently okay, whilst other people in society will be asked to pay, and those other people who might be asked to pay are those who are struggling to buy homes when the fortunate, those who are old and no longer need their home, and the children of those who are old who are going to leave those properties to them, are getting assets totally tax free.
There is then, in what Andy Burnham has said, a major wealth transfer. He's basically reinforcing inequality and intergenerational inequality in the UK in a way that is quite clear, quite unambiguous and quite unfair.
And at the same time, what he's saying is that younger taxpayers must actually subsidise older taxpayers. He's going to shift the burden from capital, which is where it exists now because people are required to sell their properties to pay for their care, onto the general tax burden and that general tax burden is paid as much by younger people as it is by older people. In fact, proportionately it is paid more by younger people than it is by older people, and he thinks that is fair.
Why do younger people pay more tax? Well, they already spend almost everything they earn. So proportionately, they pay more VAT than most older people do.
They also pay national insurance on their earnings, and older people do not pay national insurance on their pensions, and they do not pay national insurance on their investment income. And many younger people also have student debt repayments to manage as well. All of those things mean that younger people pay higher taxes than older people already.
But Andy Burnham seems to want to shift this burden onto them to pay for the care that older people need, but not in a fair way because the benefit of charging those younger people universally to tax will be to privilege a few already wealthy, older people and their offspring.
Does this in any way sound fair? My answer is no. Is this in any way representative of tax justice? My answer is no. All we are seeing here are two things: an increasing generational divide and an increasing wealth divide. The haves who have been lucky enough to own houses are getting an advantage. Those who do not have houses and are young and want to buy a property are being disadvantaged.
That, in my opinion, is deeply unfair, but that is what Andy Burnham is saying, and that is not what the Labour Party should be doing. Every asset in this country is available for tax, in my opinion. We have to decide how to do this fairly, though.
And in that case, what should we be doing? My argument is that we should be funding social care collectively. That does appear to be fair. The current system does create a sense of injustice amongst those who do face the prospect of having to sell a house to pay for social care. But we should be expecting those with wealth to make a fair contribution. And nothing that Andy Burnham is talking about mentions that fact.
So we are talking, therefore, about the need for a wealth tax of some form to deal with this problem. Now there are various options available to us. And the fact that I'm talking about taxing wealth more to pay for social care should not be a surprise to anyone. These ideas have been floated before.
But let's just look at some of those options. One option is to reduce the inheritance tax relief now available on houses inside estates. Most estates can now give away assets worth a million pounds when there's a property involved, and that allowance could be reduced. We could stop tax policy increasing inequality, which is what inheritance tax does now.
And we could change the rules on capital gains with regard to homes as well. I have long suggested that I think there should be a capital gains charge on the increase in value of homes arising at the time of death, but then take the properties out of inheritance tax altogether. And this would mean there was a one-off lifetime charge at the time when the last spouse or partner who used a property finally disposed of it.
And this would first of all force properties back into the market, because that would be good and increase supply, and we think that would help bring prices down.
, Secondly, it would mean that the unearned gains from owning property, which most people of my age have got, would be brought at a fair time when people are dead, back into the charge to tax. Again, this could provide the funding for social care, and it's an available option and one that Andy Burnham should look at because it would apply to every homeowner. And that would be fair when the current system isn't.
But there's a reform that might be fairer still. We should be looking at breaking down some of the fundamental inequalities which exist inside our tax system. And the biggest of those is that work is taxed much more heavily than is income from wealth and income in retirement. We should be levelling the playing field by addressing the problem that national insurance creates on income from work and the level of tax that is paid by those who do have to work to earn a living. Unearned income should face an equivalent charge. Now, I'm not talking about pensions here, although I see no reason why an excess charge should not be applied to a pension of above median wage in the UK. That might be fair.
But what is definitely unfair is that interest and rents and payments from dividends and things like that should have lower tax rates than do earnings from work. That is wrong. So what I'm saying is if we want to fund social care, the answer is quite simple. We impose an investment income surcharge on income from rents, from dividends, from interest, from trusts, and maybe even capital gains because they are, after all, only income. And this surcharge would be on income of above about £5,000 from these sources in a year - and not many people do have investment income of more than £5,000 a year when we take pensions out of consideration. But doing so, this could raise around £18 billion a year, in my estimate; more than enough to solve the problems of social care.
And this would level the playing field between the wealthy and those who do not have wealth and have to work for a living. And it would also level the playing field between the elderly who tend to have unearned income and the young who don't tend to.
This would be a fair tax to apply if we wanted to have a fair method of recovering the money that the government needs to spend on social care. This would work.
We could fund social care without increasing inequality as a consequence.
We could tax wealth more fairly as a result, and we would have better social care, and that would relieve stress in our society.
There are better options than forcing people to sell their houses to pay for social care. There are better options than just landing extra tax charges on existing taxpayers, particularly those who make their living from work than Andy Burnham might be considering this is the fair way to go forward. I suggest this is the tax that should be put in place if we need to increase our spending on social care and recover that cost from our society via taxation.
That's what I think. What do you think? There's a poll down below. Let us have your comments. This is a contentious subject. I know that. Like this video, if that's what you do. Share it. And if you'd like to buy Tom and me coffee, there's a link for that down below.
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[…] The video that this Debate Ammunition supports is available here. […]
I’d prefer more State investment in social care – the state has been cutting its commitment to all sorts of post-war support for years.
But I’m with you really on this, Burnt Ham’s proposal is all about retaining the houses in the family (a store of wealth) not the people really. It is a very over simplified policy that appeals to a gut reaction more than anything sober and fair (what if you have not got a house – NI never really considered how people who could not work paid into that system – and look at how – say – disabled people are treated as a result of that).
If the populace has to pay, a genuine scheme of ‘insurance’ would be the best, spreading the risk as does other forms of insurance, graduated based on asset wealth. But in this case I would expect a generous subsidy from the State as well I’m afraid given the amount of money they make available in the CBRA and the taxes they don’t charge as revealed in the TWR.
As ever, you talk sense.
Next budget 28th Oct, any other specifics for Healey on this Investment Income Surcharge?
I love your sentence, “It falls instead on the state, resulting in additional taxes to recoup the money created.” It doesn’t beat about the bush, it says it as it is. Please use similar phrases again.
The real issue though is the massively inflated price of land and residential property in the UK.
Clearly if house prices were something close to the building cost plus say about 10% for the land that would make a 100M2 home cost about £135000 – thats 100m2 at £1200 per m2 + about 10%.
Clearly a proposed proportional property tax of about 0.45% with a ‘mansion’ supplement and increased rates for ‘non residential’ property and controls on who is allowed to own land and property in the UK would exert a downward pressure on the land and property prices. This I suggest in turn would make it possible for people to buy their own homes without assistance from ‘The Bank of Mum & Dad (decd)
Might I also suggest as has been suggested a ‘fixed rate’ land and property tax on death or the final disposal of land and property pending the roll out of CGT on private homes?
An excellent post.
I think a problem with the current financing of care, where those with houses lose them, is that it is a lottery. Anyone might eventually need care but only a few actually do. As a society we do try to look after those in need (often we don’t do it very well) and it seems fair to do so for care, but we don’t do that.
And a second problem is inheritance. Those with properties are often seem very entitled, judging from articles in the right wing press. They seem to feel they have a devine right to pass their unearned property wealthy to their children.
These two problems combined create a toxic mix.
To me the key issue is to address inheritance. I suggest inheritance tax be abolished and instead the estate be taxed as income by the beneficiary. This is the logically consistent outcome of treating all money received the same, including capital gains, investment income, dividends etc. It would encourage spreading inheritance more widely, where more would be below higher tax thresholds. It would be fair and, I think, would reduce the entitled attitude of many wealthy property owners.
But, yes, it would be politically difficult.
The net cost of social care, after the significant multiplier effect and tax receipts under the current tax structure, would be very, very much lower than the headline figure. And the extra spending would boost economic activity across the economy. There might be a need for some new kinds of taxation, but I think it will be relatively modest and nothing like the scare stories currently appearing in the media.
There is no case for protecting any class of assets including property from liability for care or any other costs. However social dependencies (however defined) may have to be taken into account. A person with no dependents should not need any protection, but another person may provide personal support including accommodation to sick, homeless etc. people, most obviously in the case of spouses and blood relatives. This makes matters more complicated in practice, but not in principle.
Accepted, but that still allows charges to be placed on properties.
I see it as both ‘those with higher levels ..’ and ‘taxpayers in general’!
I don’t think there’s a contradiction, provided that, as you say, we tax those with higher levels of income and wealth more, starting with equalising the tax rates on income from dividends, capital gains etc. And yes, that would include amalgamating NI with income tax, so that retired people like myself pay more tax on our pensions. And it would include less favourable treatment of housing wealth, in ways such as you suggest.
At the moment old people like myself with some accumulated wealth hang onto more than they’re likely to need because of fear of needing expensive social care. If social care was free like the NHS we could spend much of our savings into the economy, and pass them on to the younger generation without them having to wait till we die.
I should have added that it is obviously intolerable that business enterprises should grow fat on the proceeds of care provision to helpless people, which is why there is resistance to having to pay for it from life savings and sale of property.
There are two social care challenges, politically and practically.
1. Those in need of it NOW.
2. Those who will need it in 60-90 years time.
Both challenges need attention NOW. Both need their own political and financial plan, and those plans might not be the same.
As for housing wealth, we want young AND old to have affordable secure homes. The issue of housing inheritance isn’t really relevant to the young, they don’t generally inherit till they reach middle age or later, and they shouldn’t be depending on it to buy or rent a family home. If they are, we have failed them.
Once you abandon the “household analogy” (of taxes financing spending), government can look at an overall programme to plan for today AND tomorrow’s social care, AND affordable housing, AND equitable taxation and wealth distribution, and health care, without the press obsessing about death taxes. Maybe call it the politics of care based on an economy of hope?
But Mr Status Quo Burnham has simpy asked Baroness Casey to write ANOTHER £*>/*!#£!*+ REPORT! As the lady from Bristol said, “What? ANOTHER ONE?”.
He ought to have been thinking about this when he stood for the leadership the first time.
Given the way fiscal policy is currently slanted this is certainly a better way to raise money than the tentative prescription of AB. I also appreciate that this is trying to deal with ‘what is’ rather than your previous article on social care that looks for roots causes.
A passing concern I had about the reduced house price effect was that with an excess of investment capital floating about this would hoover up a lot of excess stock and re-inflate prices.
My real point was though that this may be a chicken and egg problem. The reason most house-owners support the current exemptions is the lack of state support they expect to meet in the future. The right of inheritance is a cloak for a more existential fear. The question is why do (mostly adult) children need to have the benefit of a large sum often in a time of life when their financial commitments are reducing. Even though we are talking about the more privileged segment of the population for many it is an insurance against the uncertainties of the future.
It occurs to me that if there was a more stable and reliable provision for managing our elder care there would be less justification for objecting to taxing and devaluing the most widespread asset people have. Politically, the tax would be better delayed while the evidence of a better care system was realised.
Personally,I would go further and take the majority of housing out of the commercial market altogether but that is another topic!
I feel a personal change of mind coming on. As a parent, I care more about my (adult) children than I care about the rest of the population. At least 1 of my children will never be able to buy a house without an inheritance from me. I recognise that this is deeply unfair to the rest of those who can’t afford a house either, and I ought to revise my values to recognise this. It would help if there was an affordable and secure way to rent, but there isn’t such in the UK now. I do understand the strength of people feeling they want to pass on their house/wealth to their children, but I must recognise this as unjust and hence undesirable.
I heard an insitutional investor in care homes saying that there is a good 40 years for him to make money.
Funded by current houseowners initially, then by the inheritors of house equity who will also invest in a house and be able to fund their own care.
After that? Move on….
I’m one of the younger people you talk about getting stung by student loans and the fiscal drag of the higher tax rate. If I were less aware of how taxation actually works, I would very gladly pay more income tax to fund a “National Care Service”. I much prefer the alternate methods for funding care that you have suggested here.
I would caution saying that it is fine that people lose their homes. I think most people would dig their heels in at that suggestion, and then the funding alternatives might fall on deaf ears.
I do not see why Social Care is not in the same bucket as Healthcare ideologically? Is it not in our collective interest to ensure we all receive dignity in care if we are unlucky enough to ever need it, just like we do if we get sick? Right now we are all potential cattle for venture capital and private equity, in my view.
I do think the idea of a National Care Service could really have wheels. We have precedent for how to nationalize industries at scale, and we clearly have answers for “raising money”. I think it would have support across the politically divided electorate – and by that I mean all age groups. What’s not to like?
Why are you opposed to taxing income from work and investment sources at broadly the same rate? That is what you are opposing. Why?