I have a version of the following on the Guardian’s Comment is Free site tonight: and I share it here in haste:

The news  http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2012/feb/16/civil-servants-union-tax-schemes that making payment to people who are, in effect, senior civil servants through their personal service companies is widespread across Whitehall is shocking at a number of levels.

It is shocking because, as H M Revenue & Customs say on their website, it is the duty of an employer to determine the proper status of their employee and in particular whether they are self employed (which term, they make clear, also covers those working through a limited company) or not. As HMRC put it, if this is not done  http://www.hmrc.gov.uk/employment-status/index.htm#5 :

it creates unfair competition between those businesses that meet their responsibilities and those that do not. It also creates unfairness where, for instance, two workers engaged on the same project and performing the same tasks for separate businesses are not paying the same tax and NICs due to the incorrect classification of one of them.

No one could have put it better: As HMRC say, there is unfairness at the core of what is now known to be happening in Whitehall.

It’s also shocking that this is being done to curry favour with those on the highest levels of pay: this is shocking government encouragement of inequality.

There is much more to it than that though. This is not just unfair; it’s illegal and an employe can be penalised for getting it wrong. As a result HMRC publish clear guidelines to make sure no one can make a mistake about who is and is not self employed in situations like this.http://www.hmrc.gov.uk/calcs/esi.htm. There is, therefore, no excuse for any government department getting the employment status of any person wrong. And, try as you might, someone working as what is, in effect, a senior civil servant will always come out as an employee using this test.

That can only mean that these payments made to people through their own so-called consultancy companies mean that at the core of Whitehall there are senior civil servants willfully ignoring the requirements of tax law. And that will be true even if the people receiving these payments work for more someone else in addition to their civil service work: as the rules and case law make clear, two part time jobs never make a full time self employment. As the PAYE regulations make clear, each separate engagement has to be decided on its own merits and the right rules must be applied. But as the level of pay in the cases now highlighted indicates, the chance of any recipient undertaking much other work is, in any event, really quite low.

In that case it is this willingness to ignore the law that is really shocking in this case. Tax and government go together like, as Frank Sinatra would have put it, a horse and carriage: you can’t have one without the other. And yet these payments make clear that the tax abuse that has over the last thirty years come to undermine the credibility of the accounting and legal professions and the corporate world has now so thoroughly permeated Whitehall that no one has even seen how corrosive these payments are.

That means that at the very heart of government the operation of tax law that is central to the credibility of government revenues is now being ignored by the people who are charged with maintaining our state, and all because they so lack conviction in what they do that they have over time outsourced so much of their decision making to consultants that those same consultants (mainly in the accounting and legal professions) can now price anyone working on public sector policy out of the price-reach of government employment, so forcing this corruption on the civil service. This is the inevitable consequence of our having had what I describe in my book The Courageous State http://www.searchingfinance.com/products/soon-to-be-published/the-courageous-state-rethinking-economics-society-and-the-role-of-government.html  as cowardly politicians who have sought to undermine the state in the name of neoliberalism for the last thirty years.

In that case this is not just a technical issue requiring the technical fix of putting these people on the payroll. What it really says is that we need a new breed of courageous politicians who will stand up for the state and all it can do for itself and who will at the same time uphold tax law, the obligation that all employees be treated equally whether in state or private sectors, and who will also rightfully demand a civil service able to make up its own mind in the public interest without outsourcing all key decisions to consultants. Right now we don’t have those politicians and yet without them what is clear is that our whole system of government is at threat, and with it our society as well. That’s why I argue we need the Courageous State we have not got.

 

As the Guardian reports this morning:

The true state of British unemployment is more than double its current level at 6.3 million people, if alternative measures including adults stuck in part-time work are used, according to research published on Tuesday.

The TUC, the umbrella body for UK trade unions, said the total is swelled beyond the official figure of 2.68 million if new categories such as underemployed adults are included. Britain bases its jobless data on a widely used formula that defines an adult as unemployed if they are out of work and have actively sought a new post over the past month.

However, the TUC said incorporating six measures of joblessness that are common in the US would paint the UK job market in a much bleaker light. Those include unemployed people who want work but have not actively sought it for six weeks, who number more than 2.2 million in the UK, and “underemployed” adults who are in part-time work because they cannot find full-time work, who add a further 1.3 million to the unemployment total.

Precisely so (and although I advise the TUC I had nothing to do with this work).

I predicted UK unemployment would increase to more than 4 million when this recession started. What I did not allow for was the massive fall in productivity we have seen, mush of which is reflected in part time work and the under-utilisation of people’s talent.

In the Courageous State I argue that the goal of economic policy should be the achievement of people’s potential because it is the fact that everyone has the ability to achieve that potential that all people are really equal.

That would mean Courageous States would be driven by principles. Of course they’d also be pragmatic sometimes – politics always is, and has to be an exercise in pragmatism. But principles matter in a Courageous State. This will be a fundamental change that will differentiate them from the neoliberal states they will replace.

Those principles are reflected in the following beliefs:

  • People come first;
  • People must have the opportunity to achieve their potential;
  • Poverty is unacceptable;
  • Sustainability is essential;
  • Balance is best for human well-being;
  • Government has to work well;
  • Real business deserves strong support.

We are so far from that now, as the TUC show. Which is to the eternal shame of this government and those parties that make it up.

 

This is a video just released of me talking a couple of weeks ago with Ross Ashcroft of the Renegade Economist about the state of the UK economy and how to rescue the failed discipline of economics.

 

Matt Sissons has reviewed my book The Courageous State on the Why Politics? blog. I won’t reproduce the whole review, and it’s fair to note he does offer some minor criticisms, which he has absolute right to do, before concluding:

What is most evident is that this is a book rammed full of good ideas. Not pie-in-the-sky but pragmatic, realistic solutions; not just to the economic crisis or the inherent unfairness in our society, but to the whole ideology which has led to the current class of wobbly politicians, whose lack of vision and conviction has allowed the dangerous status-quo to continue far longer than it should. It is these ideas, concentrated towards the end of the book, which elevate The Courageous State well above the yet-another-book-about-neoliberalism class of commentary. Murphy presents his solutions with great clarity, as well as clarity of purpose, which enables the reader to see the logical connections between them and for them all to sit together as a cohesive whole.

As a result, the most striking thing about Murphy’s vision, especially amongst the doom and gloom of the austerity agenda, is that it is one of hope; the best kind of hope based on specific, realistic objectives. You won’t find here any suggestions for revolution, simply a change of mind-set which will allow for the many small changes needed to alter the course of our troubled political and economic institutions; to enable them to be forces for the good of the majority rather than a wealthy few. With the current absence amongst national politicians of both hope and a cohesive vision, anyone looking to take up the leadership challenge on the left could do worse than read The Courageous State. If they were to pick it up they would find not just a book, but a fully-formed and fully-argued manifesto for a more stable and more equitable world.

The Courageous State is available here.

 

This is so true:

It is an argument I make in The Courageous State.

Hat tip, Think Left

 
The following was posted on Amazon today. I’ve no idea who T-Runner is – but thanks all the same:
A coherent solution to our current economic predicament – at last., 29 Dec 2011

The Courageous State: Rethinking Economics, Society and the Role of Government

After reading Nick Shaxson’s excellent book ‘Treasure Islands and the men that stole the world’, I had been searching for practical solutions to our current economic malaise. Richard Murphy’s book is this.

The book is divided into three parts. 

The first is a review of our current economic status that covers much of the same areas as Nick Shaxson – the rise of neoliberalism. Richard Murphy attacks the intellectual abdication that equates active government to bad (big) government. This section is easy to follow, but is less compelling than `Treasure Islands’ relentless and readable analysis.

The second section makes the point that man and society are more than money and the material economy. This rather obvious point is rammed home (as is probably necessary) with diagrams that highlight how progress in the financial area may perversely restrict potential in a wider context. The numerous examples given through this discussion prepares a descriptive intellectual background to the subsequent solutions.

The third section contains Richard Murphy’s solutions. These are radical, but practical and are clearly informed by the author’s experience in business. It would not be surprising to find that many small businesses would strongly endorse many/most proposals.

After reading the book I find myself thinking ` What would the UK be like if this radical programme were put into operation?’. This is simultaneously an exciting and a scary prospect.

Could there be economic flaws at its heart? Who to believe? Witness the recent and sudden conversion of leading economists to the view that the Eurozone needed fiscal union all along. Could a minor country implement the proposals without the support of others within a larger union? How would powerful vested interests frustrate / block implementation?

Despite these concerns, the ideas in this book need to move centre stage to reinvigorate the heart of our anaemic economic debate. 

 

The longest review of my new book, The Courageous State, to date  has been published by Left Foot Forward.

I am grateful to Carl Packman for the care he has put into writing it.

I could quote it at length, but I seriously suggest a visit to Left Foot Forward to read it there. I certainly found it useful, and I wrote the book!

 

Many thanks to all I met in Norwich yesterday.

Four events, all very different, all masterfully organised by Lesley Grahame (to whom special thanks), and an empty bag of books on the way home, thanks to Norwich Greens.

It was good day – and especially good to take part with 50 or so others in the (very cold) march to Norwich Castle to remember the life of Robert Kett, hanged there in 1549.

 

As I’ve mentioned already this morning, I am spending much of today in Norwich. One reason why is that today marks the anniversary of the death of Robert Kett who led a rebelleion against encloisure in 1549.

Kett died for his concern. And yet what troubled him then should trouble us now. I wrote most of the rest of this blog last year, but it remains just as relevant today:

Those with blind faith in private enterprise say it solves all our problems. And generates all wealth.

I don’t agree. If it did I do not believe its supporters would need to take control of parliament to ensure they can capture the public sector to deliver wealth to their friends.

Two hundred (and more) years or so ago this process involved seizing land because the private sector could not work out how to generate wealth for itself before the coming of railways. As Wikipedia notes:

Enclosure is the process which was used to end some traditional rights, such as mowing meadows for hay, or grazing livestock on land which is owned by another person, or a group of people. In England and Wales the term is also used for the process that ended the ancient system of arable farming in open fields. Under enclosure, such land is fenced (enclosed) anddeeded or entitled to one or more owners. By the 20th century, unenclosed commons had become largely restricted to rough pasture in mountainous areas and in relatively small parts of the lowlands.

The process of enclosure has sometimes been accompanied by force, resistance, and bloodshed, and remains among the most controversial areas ofagricultural and economic history in England. Marxist and neo-Marxist historians argue that rich landowners used their control of state processes to appropriate public land for their private benefit. This created a landless working class that provided the labour required in the new industries developing in the north of England. For example: “In agriculture the years between 1760 and 1820 are the years of wholesale enclosure in which, in village after village, common rights are lost”.[1]

I’m surprised the author thought you had to be a Marxist to think that: it seems pretty much universally accepted that this is what happened at the time.

This process is, I suggest, happening again. Private enterprise has no clue how to generate wealth right now. I mentioned the consequence a while ago. Private business has no idea what to invest in now, no new product to make, no big idea to offer. That’s why it is sitting on a massive pile of cash.

So this government is offering it the NHS, education and more so that public benefit can be enclosed for private gain.

This is what happened two hundred years ago.

And it’s happening again.

And the goal is simple: that the single largest income stream in the country – tax revenue -be washed through privatised structures to deliver private gain rather than the common good.

Kett fought for the common good.

So should we.