The Ethical Corporation published an article yesterday under the title “Corporate disclosure: the tax blame game”. It said:

It’s too easy to demonise big companies that take steps to minimise their tax liabilities [but] in most developed societies, companies have the right – as do individuals – to arrange their affairs in such a manner as to minimise the amount of tax they pay. It is legal, even honourable. After all, a company that goes bankrupt because it paid more in tax than it needed to would be neither responsible nor competent.

The flavour of the article can already be gathered – that I can recall no company has ever gone into liquidation because it paid more tax than was necessary. As will be noted below, arguments in extremis are a characteristic of this debate, and do it no favours.

The author seeks to redeem himself by saying:

The maxim only holds true, however, so long as the degree to which you can minimise that liability passes some kind of intuition test about fairness. A big, prosperous corporation that makes large profits in a country and pays absolutely no tax there – well, that’s clearly not on.

But then you have to ask the question – what is the socially responsible right amount of tax to pay?

This is moving in the right direction – although the rest of the article does not. Indeed the conclusion betrays something that I have understood for some time – that the Ethical Corporation is basically anti-tax and is only, it seems interested in anti-tax articles. That conclusion says:

Which do we think is going to solve poverty, companies giving governments more cash, or companies being able to thrive and create jobs? If there is an optimal balance, where is it? Is it the same in all parts of the world?

The answers to those questions don’t give licence to the aggressive tax-avoiders, for sure. But it would be worth looking at each society that has emerged from poverty during the past century and establish how that happened. I doubt it was tax.

This is wrong I’m afraid for a number of reasons – not least because these are not either / or questions and the Ethical Corporation ought to know that. So let me explore why.

In extremis there are two positions a company might take on tax. One is that all tax is a bad thing and it should seek to avoid paying it at all costs. The might be called the neoliberal position – which assumes that tax is harmful to well being. It might quite fairly be called the fanatics or extremists position – and yes these terms are often applied to some who hold religious views – but neoliberal faith of this sort is akin to that.

The other end of the scale might be equated with relativism – the acceptance that any tax is acceptable. So if a tax charge is levied it is embraced, come what may.

Neither position makes any sense, and I’ll explain why in turn.

First, the neoliberal position assumes that tax is a bad thing to be avoided. In extremis there is one easy way to do that, which is is to avoid being in possession of any income, asset, gain or cash flow that might be subject to tax, but this of course is also to say that you should to avoid having an income, assets, gains or cash flows and in a modern economy that is not a recipe for well being.In that case the alternatives are twofold. the first is to break the law, which I presume we will agree is unethical, or it is to prioritise tax minimisation in behaviour. This however can also be contrary to well being. If, for example, a large income stream can be secured but with an associated tax charge attached which does however leave the person (legal or human) enjoying it net better off is it wise to mitigate the tax bill by refusing the income stream, or should the income be enjoyed and the tax paid? It is immediately apparent that a decision on tax has to be made. And it is also apparent that the decision to be made on tax is not independent of other variables; it is in fact inextricably linked to them. Tax considerations are, in other words, never taken in isolation. Any decision on tax will always have secondary consequences and most decisions on commercial mattes for corporations also have tax consequences. The simplistic position that a corporation has a duty to avoid tax is therefore simply not sustainable: even if such an obligation existed it is constrained and as such subject to significant, ethical, judgement.

I would argue the relativist position of accepting all tax charges, come what may, is also wrong. I am told by the tax directors of major pharmaceutical companies that they usually suffer demands for tax of about 200% of their profits each year, and negotiate down from there. They may exaggerate a little, but there is no doubt the demands made are higher than available profit. There is an institutional failure here, no doubt, but in the world in which we live these happen, and in the face of them it would be quite inappropriate to accept all tax charges as prima facie correct if in combination that cannot be true. Of course, the example is extreme and for a corporation or individual working in one state such a scenario is highly unlikely to exist (transfer pricing being the cause of the pharmaceutical companies’ problems) but even so, even within a UK environment tax authorities can make mistakes that need to be challenged and the law does provide alternative choices in the way in which transactions can be constructed, with the deliberate intent that the tax payer take advantage of those choices and these an and do have tax consequences. So long as they are clearly complying with the law the tax payer can exercise those choices, legitimately. This is not seeking to tax avoid, it is seeking to comply with the law. What is clear once again though is that choice has to be made, and in that case an ethical framework has to be found in which that choice can take place and this has to be translated into practical decision making tools.

Once a decision has to be made then it is impossible to claim that a value system is not in operation within a corporation: it always is. This cannot be externalised; for example it cannot be said that “shareholders require that we minimise tax” because first of all I have never seen a shareholder resolution to that effect, second, it is by no means clear that the will of shareholders is known since in most multinational corporations the shareholders will change frequently and thirdly, as the International Accounting Standards Board and others now recognise, such corporations are entities in their own right and it is ludicrous to argue that they are mere agents for their shareholders when, for example, those shareholders are just one of many stakeholders, let alone providers of capital (an issue discussed in more depth in here).  It sin therefore for the corporation – or at least its management – to make such decisions and not outsource and legally they are tasked to do so. And legally whilst they are required to act in the member’s interests in some states (such as the UK) they are also allowed to consider other interests and they are also not required to act in short term interest alone – meaning that a decision to, for example, pay long term sustainable and transparent tax charges is one that all directors could quite properly defend in court as being in their long term member’s interests by delivering sustainable and certain earnings subject to low risk. It is apparent therefore that this is a matter of corporate ethics.

What is that ethic? What is right and wrong? And what is the relevant framework for decision making? There has to be one that provides clarity in that middle grey ground that it seems that directors alone – with their perpetual clarion calls for “certainty” – seem so keen to avoid, even when their own behaviour suggests that their capacity for tax risk on behalf of their employers is high.

There are clearly two parties to resolving any tax issue. The first is the state or sub-national authority to which tax is due. The second is the taxpayer. The ethics of tax apply to both, but are exacerbated by the fact that a taxpayer may owe tax (sometimes on the same source of income, gain, asset or cash flow) to different tax authorities, both of whom may lay claim to that taxing right. It is therefore obvious that decision making processes are required for both.

The ethics of taxing institutions at either national or sub-national level are relatively clear. First they must be backed by proper law. Second they must have appropriate powers to secure information to impose a tax charge, and they musty have the right to enforce those powers. Third, they must interpret that law properly when levying a charge. Fourth, there must be an appropriate appeals process if there is disagreement on interpretation of the law. And finally there must be a mechanism (hopefully democratic) for changing the law when it is itself unjust. That somewhat shortens an enormous area of debate, but covers the critical issues. In synopsis the issues are:

  • having proper institutions;
  • having appropriate law and means to interpret it;
  • securing the data needed to assess tax properly;
  • having the right to recover the tax due.

Deficiencies, if any, in this process impact on the choices a corporation makes when seeking to be ethical on tax. So, for example, many corporations seek to exploit weaknesses in the institutions relating to international tax, including:

  • the absence of an international tax regime to properly coordinate relationships between tax authorities;
  • differences between international regulations allowing their exploitation;
  • the ability to hide transactions in secrecy jurisdictions meaning access to data is hard in some cases;
  • the ability to hide tax liabilities in limited liability entities in turn owned by limited liability entities, any one of which is dispensable by a corporation at a moment’s notice if it so wishes but with each entity in a  group having its liabilities ring fenced one from another.

Other issues arise, of course. The point noted here is to show that there are ethical issues relating to the creation of proper institutions for taxation that need addressing, before the issue of the ethics of the tax laws promoted by individual jurisdictions is considered. This is not the point to explore what the ethics of those institutions and laws might be. What it is important to note in this discussion of corporate tax issues and the related ethics  is that given that these institutional issues remain unresolved the range of issues on which a corporation has to decide when addressing its own tax affairs increase as the environment of uncertainty they face is exacerbated by the failure of the international community to agree on taxation coordination policies, and this is to the detriment of that international community, corporations and all who depend on the tax paid by them.

What criteria does the corporation use for decision making with regard to tax in this case? It is my argument that any corporation has a duty to a wide range of stakeholders. A literature review, noted here, suggests they might be:

   ÔÇ? The equity investor group (shareholders);
   ÔÇ? The loan creditor group (banks and bondholders);
   ÔÇ? The analyst-adviser group who advise the above groups;
   ÔÇ? Business partners;
   ÔÇ? Consumers;
   ÔÇ? Employees;
   ÔÇ? The surrounding community i.e. the public at large;
   ÔÇ? Civil society organizations; and
   ÔÇ? Governments and their institutions.

This list does however ignore one group of considerable significance in this issue, being management them,selves, for whom financial statements are not prepared as they already have access to all the information they might need, but who none the less have a considerable influence over tax policy.  Indeed, it can be argued that tax policy might be run largely for managements benefit. Since J K Galbraith shattered the myth that companies are ruin for the benefit of her shareholders more than forty years ago in The New Industrial State it is ludicrous to think that tax is just another policy where the reason for a strategy is to meet the goals of management and not shareholders, or any other stakeholder group come to that.

In any company where management incentives / bonuses are linked to the generation of free cash flow (that is not the same as profit as provisions such as depreciation of assets and goodwill and charges for deferred tax will be ignored when calculating free cash flow – which is what economists would say management should maximise to enhance shareholder worth) then the incentive for management to tax avoid is enormous. One of the easiest ways of arranging for an increase in free cash flow is to minimise the current tax bill, even if a deferred tax bill is incurred none the less. These issues, and the potential impact they have on corporate tax planning and behaviour are looked at in a recent report I have prepared. The simple fact is that tax deferred is, in this case, the basis for the payment of a management bonus. The incentive to defer by avoidance (and that’s what avoidance usually achieves) is incredibly high in that case. Any discussion of the ethics of tax avoidance that ignores this fact is bound to miss the point. This ethical issue is not, as many would imply, a matter of “shareholders versus other stakeholders in a company”. It is a matter of “management versus all stakeholders”.

This is quite obviously true: to ague that the equity investor group is somehow distinct from all other stakeholder groups in the company is wrong. Whilst it it true that the holding of wealth in most societies is very skewed towards a minority it is also true that large numbers in societies such as the UK have some interest in the shareholdings of many corporations through pension funds, insurance funds and so on through which they save. These people do not, however, have one interest in that capacity and another a civil society, or he public or as employees or as consumers. Those interests coincide, overlap and intermingle into a coalescence of opinion that is likely to approximate to the position that they would expect a corporation to take on tax planning. They are not, for example, going to say as a shareholder “minimise tax” and as the public “pay your fair share” or as an employee say “pay your fair share like I do” but expect their investment adviser to demand something different. Such dichotomy is considered aberrant and inconsistent, and rightly so.

In that case corporations cannot say “we have a duty to our shareholders to minimise tax” and expect anyone to believe them: they won’t, precisely because that is not what real shareholders (as opposed to some advisers to those shareholders) say or expect. There is, therefore, no foundation for the claim that executives who minimise tax are fulfilling their shareholder’s wishes. the wishes of those shareholders are likely to be much more complex than that, and the claim by companies that they must do this is a simple excuse for their maximisation of free cash flow which is likely;y to trigger maximum bonuses for executives and those who report to them, which is a different issue altogether, but at the core of the ethics of the institutional structures that surround this complex issue.

What then should corporations do with regard to tax? I think the ethical duty is clear. It is derived from the fact that all corporations are, by definition, incorporated. In the process a parliament grants the members of  limited liability companies the most phenomenal economic privilege: they cannot be sued for the debts the company incurs if all goes wrong even though they get all the benefit if things go right. I argue that the granting of that privilege does, however, carry with it two reciprocal obligations. The first is to account for how the privilege is used – which means putting full and proper accounts on public record so we can know exactly what our companies are up to. The second obligation is to pay for the privilege – and that means complying fully and willingly with the tax (and other) laws passed by the UK (and other) parliaments that creates those laws using exactly the same authority that they use to grant the privilege of limited legal liability. Of course these two obligations are also related – the accounts must properly explain how much tax is paid.

In combination these obligations mean that a company does not have a duty to be “tax efficient”. Instead it has a duty to society to be tax compliant in exchange for the benefit of limited liability granted to its shareholders. Indeed that is implicit in the primary concern of most accounting regulation – which is not to protect members but to protect creditors of the company – to whom the duty of care of the directors is actually paramount and for which there is criminal responsibility of neglected. Tax authorities  to whom a duty of care therefore exists and to whom an obligation to pay must be honoured are one such authority.

Putting these observations together suggests that:

1) The duty of care of a company is to the public primarily and to make payment in full to creditors specifically;

2) tax authorities are creditors acting in the pubic interest as agents of the government that granted the corporation its licence to operate. There is therefore a specific duty of care to tax authorities;

3) The right of shareholders is not and never can be paramount: their claims are always residual after other claims have been settled. It must therefore always be wrong to put shareholders before tax authorities when order of priority as to payment arises.

In that case a clearer position emerges that lets us resolve the “extreme” (and legally unjustifiable) position of neoliberalism that says that tax must be avoided and the relativist position that says all charges must be accepted. This summarised in the concept of tax compliance. Tax compliance is seeking to pay the right amount of tax (but no more) in the right place at the right time where right means that the economic substance of the transactions undertaken coincides with the place and form in which they are reported for taxation purposes. This needs a little explanation.

First, the right amount of tax means that the law is properly applied and that the choices available in law are honoured. This means a company can quite legitimately argue with a tax charge it thinks is improperly imposed.

Second, the right place means that tax is due in the country where the economic substance of a transaction arises. As a matter of fact “offshore” for tax purposes means a location where a transactions is recorded but where the substance does not arise. By definition therefore an offshore location can never be the place where the economic substance of a transaction arises. A creditor has not been settled as a result.

Third, economic substance requires that the transaction has really occurred – artificial steps in transactions therefore have no place in tax compliance. If used then the obligation to pay a creditor has been avoided.

Fourth, reporting is at the core of this issue. All cards must be placed face up on the table to tax authorities, and in accounts too. There is no room for opacity.

What is the outcome? The right amount of tax being paid, and no more. That’s not dispute free, of course. But a policy based on openness, transparency and accountability to all involved minimise shareholder risk, means that the residual they have to enjoy is really theirs to have, sustainably and for the long term, and means that the obligation to society and to creditors is met.

In this policy there is an ethic for tax – and for tax planning that resolves the dilemmas corporations face within the clear parameters of the laws established and the world.

This does not resolve the ethic of how those tax authorities should manage their relationships – which is for another blog – but the position for corporations is, on this basis clear and unambiguous and responsible and far removed from the thinking reflected in the article to which this blog first referred. The fact is that tax is not distinct from the development of a society, it is integral to it. It is a mistake to think otherwise, and that is why a corporation has to embrace tax payment within its own code of conduct for behaviour if it is to be ethical. And that is why it also ha to account for that payment – because the duty to do is implicit in its contract with the people of the state who grant its privileged right to trade.

PS This blog has been written quickly and may need editing

 

From the letters page of today’s Guardian:

As Christmas approaches and we enter 2011 we should not forget that countless vulnerable families and individuals will face immense pressures on their household budgets (Report, 14 December). In the struggle to put food on the table and presents under the tree, increasing numbers will be forced to turn to high-cost lenders. These are the pay-day Scrooges, some of whom charge in excess of 2,500% APRs for payday lending or up to £82 for every £100 borrowed for door-to-door lending. This means a short-term loan of just a couple of hundred pounds can result in serious financial trouble.

Then, in the new year, Britain’s poorest borrowers will be faced with a double whammy with the VAT rise – a regressive tax that disproportionately hits the poorest hardest. This will pile even more of a burden on over-indebted households, just when many will run out of cash and are facing huge difficulties. This, coupled with stagnant incomes and massive cuts to public services – which next year will really begin to bite – will result in even greater hardship.

The government has committed in its coalition agreement to ban excessive lending rates for overdrafts, credit and store cards and is undergoing its consumer credit and personal insolvency review. We therefore call on the government to put an end to the modern-day Scrooges – who charge usury rates and who practice legal loan-sharking – by introducing a cap on the total cost of credit, imposing a new levy on consumer credit agencies to pay for debt counselling and advice services, and increasing access to more affordable sources of credit by further developing the idea of a Post Bank and giving more support to local credit unions, co-operatives and mutuals. At Christmas time we all have a moral duty to stand up for the vulnerable.

Gavin Hayes General secretary, Compass,

Stella Creasy MP

Jon Cruddas MP

Rachel Reeves MP

Damon Gibbons Chief executive, Centre for Responsible Credit

Professor Ruth Lister

Professor Richard Wilkinson

Rev Paul Nicolson Chairman, Zacchaeus 2000 Trust

Ann Pettifor

Fr Paul Butler Rector of St Paul’s, Deptford

John Morris Chair, Human City Institute

Niall Cooper National coordinator, Church Action on Poverty

Cat Smith Chair, Compass Youth

Cllr Sam Tarry National Chair of Young Labour

Richard Murphy

Will Straw Left Foot Forward

 

It’s good to note that PCS, the union for most staff at /HM Revenue & Customs, is joining in tax protests today:

War on Want and the Jubilee Debt Campaign will join with campaigners from PCS in a rally against reductions in HMRC resources.

The protest will come on the eve of a day of mass action organised by the group UK Uncut, focused on the stores of communications giant Vodafone and Sir Philip Green’s Arcadia, such as Topshop, over allegations of tax dodges.

War on Want, JDC and PCS say the poorest and most vulnerable people are being made to pay for an unsustainable and irresponsible financial system. They claim that there is a viable alternative to spending cuts.

The demonstration will take place outside the HMRC HQ to oppose UK government plans that would axe a further 13,000 jobs in HMRC on top of the 30,000 that have gone since 2005 and the closure of around 200 offices.

  • What? Activists with ‘Tax not cuts’ model bomb will demonstrate against cuts in HMRC jobs and offices
  • Who? The anti-poverty charities War on Want and Jubilee Debt Campaign with PCS union
  • When? 1pm, Friday 17 December 2010
  • Where? Headquarters of HM Revenue and Customs, 100 Parliament Street, Westminster, London SW1A 2BQ

These jobs are being shed at a time when the British economy is losing £120 billion a year through tax dodging, in the form of uncollected tax, illegal tax evasion and abuse of tax loopholes.

Again, I’m delighted to see my work being put to such good use.

And if you doubt that there’s an issue at HM Revenue & Customs note this from the BBC:

A staff survey at HM Revenue and Customs (HMRC) has revealed a startling lack of faith in its senior management.

Only 9% of staff believed that change at HMRC was usually for the better; only 11% agreed that change was well managed; and only 11% had confidence in decisions made by senior managers.

The official survey, organised by the Cabinet Office, obtained 51,266 replies from staff – a 69% response rate.

A Revenue spokeswoman said the results were "really disappointing".

Overall staff "engagement" was judged to be worse than when measured in a similar survey last year and was worse than this year’s result for the civil service as a whole.

The message is simple: you can’t run an effective tax system whist tearing it to shreds through cuts. And to run an effective tax system you need people in charge of it who believe in the virtues of tax. Right now that seems untrue of the board of HM Revenue & Customs and its senior directors and it certainly seems untrue of our politicians.

Which is why the tax gap is likely to get worse, not better, at least in proportionate terms. 

 

The BBC reports:

The group UK Uncut is calling for another day of action tomorrow to highlight what it claims is tax dodging by well known British businesses.

UK Uncut spokesman Murray Williams and Steve Davies of the Institute of Economic Affairs examine the morality of tax.

Listen on the BBC.

I’m delighted they’re using my data in this way.

And the Institute for Economic Affairs is using the wrong logic. I’ll blog that soon.

And to argue that the tax code is too complicated and we pay too much tax is completely wrong for precisely the reason UK Uncut gave – tax avoidance is morally unacceptable. Tax avoidance is abuse.

 

I find it massively frustrating that Labour has said almost nothing (bar one good speech by Ed Balls) on the economy since the election and that it has a leader and shadow chancellor who seem intent on sitting and watching whilst the ConDems pull the economy to pieces.

People want an alternative economic policy.

People deserve an alternative economic policy.

And they want it now.

I wrote much of the following a month ago, and have updated it a little since then, mainly on green quantitative easing. It is an alternative economic policy for the UK. It is costed. It is viable. It could be delivered.

Let’s start with some facts:

The current economic crisis was created by banks.

It was not created by Labour: they did not borrow consistently throughout their period in office; when they did it was almost entirely to fund investment. And it was not created by lax regulation: Labour could have been better on the issue, but they were fighting against a world dominated by neoliberal thinking, wholly endorsed by the Conservatives, that said all regulation was harmful. And it was not caused by low interest rates: let’s be unambiguous about the fact that low interest rates are good and no excuse for irresponsible lending by banks who were (and are) recklessly indifferent to the outcome of their actions so long as bonuses are paid. Which just leaves those bankers and their irresponsibility, supported by the beguiling conceit of neoliberal economists as the sole cause of this current crisis.

This crisis is real

At least 1.6 million people will be put out of work as a result of the cuts the ConDems have announced. I said that some time ago. Now the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development agree. Translated into real lives that’s a tale of personal tragedy in each and every case – and in the lives of millions more who are dependent on those people either by being members of their families or by losing the benefit of the products and services they supply.

This is a national disaster

The wealth of this country is built on the back of the labour of those who live and work here: with declining oil resources the truth is it is only by our own efforts that we do at the end of the day keep ourselves. And very many fewer of us are going to be working. Which means that we’re all going to be much worse off. Another recession looks virtually inevitable as Labour’s fiscal stimulus begins to run out and ConDem cuts ratchet up the pain.

We know:

  – That according to HMRC tax avoidance and tax evasion combined come to at least £42 billion a year

  – My research shows that they have massively underestimated these figures – which are really £70 billion a year for tax evasion and maybe £25 billion a year for tax avoidance

   – At any time there is unpaid tax of £120 billion in the UK economy

   – Up to £38 billion a year has been given in the form of subsidies to the private pension industry each year despite which the value of many if not most pension funds has gone down over the last decade and the industry is, despite the subsidy, only paying out pensions of £35 billion a year, which is less than he subsidy they receive.

   – The policy of quantitative easing promoted by Labour, and now being considered once more by the Bank of England is supposed to have cost £200 billion. Actually, that’s not true. What actually happened was that it gave maybe £40 or £50 billion to the UK’s main banks (no one can be quite sure of the exact amount) to bail out their ailing balance sheets but as they recorded it as profit they used it to pay bonuses, to inflate the stock market and to push up commodity prices such as wheat, coffee and other foodstuffs – the impact of which will flow through into real inflation for households in the UK. Perhaps as important though was the other £150 billion or so – which (not by coincidence, I suggest) happens to be  almost the exact amount that the UK government borrowed in 2009-10. To put it another way, quantitative easing was, in effect the Bank of England granting the Treasury an overdraft to subsidise the deficit. And that means there is no threat at all to the UK from the bond vigilantes George Osborne lives in fear of – because we are not dependent upon them, at all.

Those are facts. But facts remain facts unless there is a solution to the problem they explain. So we must have a plan or there is no alternative to the cuts agenda that the ConDems are promoting.

What’s the plan?

The plan is simple.

First, we must tackle the tax gap.

There is £120 billion of missing tax in the UK economy. Of course we can’t get it all back. It’s realistic to assume that the crooks will always be with us. But if we spent £1 billion a year on extra staff at H M Revenue & Customs we could have 20,000 staff working to collect tax in the UK. And we know that at present each of those who work at HMRC collect more than 30 times their cost in tax. Well, there are economies of scale and diminishing marginal returns, but I still estimate that we could collect another £20 billion of tax a year. That’s £5 billion of the late tax, £8 billion of the tax avoidance and £7 billion of the tax evaded. Of course, to achieve that will also require additional legislative measures, such as a General Anti-avoidance Provision, the abolition of the domicile rule, revised rules on tax residence for individuals and companies, where country-by-country reporting is required, where automatic information exchange with tax havens is compulsory, where increased transparency ensures that the information needed to raise tax is available, and increased tax penalties for those who contravene legislation are available, but the point is, all this is possible. It’s a choice that we’re not collecting this tax right now in other words: a choice that says the government would rather it was left in the hands of the cheats, the crooks, large companies and the banks rather than collect it to support the essential public services that are the bedrock of our society. And that’s the wrong choice and one we must correct.

Second, we need to kick start an industrial strategy

This country has not got an industrial strategy and we need one if we are to restore widespread prosperity and wellbeing without increasing employment in our economy. That means we have to invest now, and keep up that investment for some considerable time to come so that we build employment opportunities based on new products and services in the private sector and provide the essential infrastructure that the state must build, whether it be transport systems, or energy, or housing, or schools or hospitals that is essential if those employment opportunities are to be created – and all of them free of the curse of PFI.

This means that the next round of quantitative easing must not support the banks. It must support investment in all these things – and since the private sector seems at present quite extraordinarily reluctant to invest it must support this investment in the infrastructure the state must build most of all. This though is not quantitative easing as we’ve known it – it is green quantitative easing, the name I’m giving to the process where the Bank of England lends money to a genuine national infrastructure bank that invest in rebuilding our economy – both through the public and private sector to ensure we create the employment we need. This will, in turn, create the liquidity we need in the economy to ensure that the banking system can continue to operate.

Third, pension reform to deliver real investment

And then, thirdly, this process has to be continued into the future. We have to ensure that there is ongoing real investment, not in financial “innovation” but in real wealth creation and real infrastructure that underpins that wealth creation by the people of the UK. That can come from the type of reform of the UIK pension system I have recommended in ‚ÄòMaking Pensions Work’. We must require that at least 25% of all the pension contributions made in the UK be invested – not saved – but invested in wealth creation opportunities in this country. If that is through that same national infrastructure bank, that’s fine with me. If it is direct in new share issues by UK companies seeking to create new employment opportunities – and can prove that this is the case – then that’s fine too. But in this way I am convinced a further £20 billion can be released for investment in the UK economy.

Adding it up

Add that to the £20 billion from tackling the tax gap and add it ion to the funds green quantitative easing would inject into the economy and a substantial source of long term funding for the UK economy has been found. In all I have shown we can find £20 billion for revenue spending and £40 billion for investment, at least, a year from within the UK economy – enough to close much of the so called fiscal deficit and enough to kick start the UK economy.  It won’t of course ,meet all need. It won’t singlehandedly reverse all the problems we’re suffering, and have been suffering for some time due to our over-dependence on financial services, but don’t ignore the impact that such a sum of money could have. It would transform the direction of flows in the economy. Away from saving to investment. From banking to wealth creation. From cutting to creating. From downturn to recovery. From apologising from our failure to create wealth to doing something about recreating that wealth generating capacity.

And in the meantime it can deliver the Green New Deal.

It can deliver jobs.

It can deliver hope.

It can be the stimulus that starts the multiplier of sustainable regeneration of our economy.

It is the industrial plan our country needs.

A plan for sustainable well being based on ensuring that the people of the UK are able to work to determine their own well being.

What better goal is there than that?

This is what the demand for tax justice – using public funds for public benefit – is all about.

That’s what people who are protesting want.

It’s what they deserve.

And it’s what I think, in due course, they’ll get.

 

The Guardian notes:

Ireland’s credit rating has been slashed by five notches by Moody’s, which also warned that the country faced an increasingly uncertain economic future.

Ignore all the waffle around this – what this says is you can’t cut and grow.

Which is obvious – see this.

But still they haven’t got a clue what to do about it.

That’s the subject of the next blog.

 

I’ve never met Johann Hari, a journalist at the Independent, but he’s rapidly becoming one of my favourite commentators. This is from his column this morning, which is worth reading in full:

So now we know. When our politicians complained over the past few decades, in a low, sad tone, that our young people were “too apathetic” and “disengaged”, it was a lie. A great flaring re-engagement of the young has take place this year. With overwhelmingly peaceful tactics, they are demanding policies that are supported by the majority of the British people – and our rulers are trying to truncheon, kettle and intimidate them back into apathy.

Here’s one example of the intimidation of peaceful protest by the young that is happening all over Britain. Nicky Wishart is a 12-year-old self-described “maths geek” who lives in the heart of David Cameron’s constituency. He was gutted when he found out his youth club was being shut down as part of the cuts: there’s nowhere else to hang out in his village. He was particularly outraged when he discovered online that Cameron had said, before the election, that he was “committed” to keeping youth clubs open. So he did the right thing. He organized a totally peaceful protest on Facebook outside Cameron’s constituency surgery. A few days later, the police arrived at his school. They hauled him out of his lessons, told him the anti-terrorism squad was monitoring him and threatened him with arrest.

What’ sickening about this is it’s true.

As Johann says:

In the past few weeks police officers have been caught responding to a disabled young man with cerebral palsy – who was protesting because his 16 year old brother is now too scared of debt to go to university – by hauling him out of his wheelchair and throwing him to the ground. They even tried to block a severely injured protester in need of brain surgery from being treated at the nearest hospital, on the grounds that police officers were being treated there too and it was ‚Äòupsetting’ to have injured protesters in the same place. Now Sir Paul Stephenson, head of the Met, says a total ban on protests by students is “one of the tactics we will look at.”

Continue reading »

Dec 172010
 

Demands for tax justice continue to ferment in the face of the economically unjustifiable cuts that the ConDems are seeking to impose on our economy.

The Tax Justice Network is not organising demonstrations and nor am I. But the demand for justice is one I can readily endorse.

In the spirit of that demand I have been asked to summarise the grievances those who are demonstrating, and as importantly those who are supporting them, might have and what might be done about it.

This is my offering, first made a month ago, but as relevant now:

A. Cuts and the Tax Gap

We note

1. The ConDem governments planned cuts in government services.

2. That there is a tax gap in the UK made up of £70 billion of tax evasion, £25 billion of tax avoidance and £25 billion of unpaid tax.

3. That the government has got rid of 30,000 employees at H M Revenue & Customs and is planning to get rid of 13,000 more over the next four years.

4. The massive errors in the calculation of people’s tax bills by H M Revenue & Customs

We demand:

a. That the government stop the cuts

b. That all job cuts at H M Revenue & Customs be cancelled

c. That 20,000 new staff be recruited at H M Revenue & Customs to tackle the tax gap

d. That H M Revenue & Customs be told to raise the right amount of tax at the right time from the right person and that it be given the resources necessary to ensure it can do so

e. That we have a General Anti-avoidance Provision that bans tax avoidance

f. The tax system is made progressive so that the rich always pay more than the poor

B. Business tax and the banks

We note:

1. That big business is not paying the tax expected of it

2. That big business is the only part of the economy expecting a tax cut over the next four years

3. That by 2014 big business will be paying tax at lower rates than any small business and any individual in the UK

4. That the banks who created the current financial crisis are paying very little tax as a result of it

5. The the new bank levy will raise less than the one off Bankers’ Bonus Tax

6. That the government is opposing a Robin Hood Tax on the riskiest transactions banks undertake that could raise billions of pounds a year

We demand:

a. That tax laws applicable to big business be rigorously imposed

b. That planned tax cuts for big business be cancelled

c. That banks be denied tax relief on losses already funded by the state

d. That the bankers’ bonus tax be made permanent

e. That the government introduce a Robin Hood Tax instead of the bank levy

f. That country-by-country reporting be required of big business so anyone can monitor where they make their profits and pay their taxes

C. Tax havens

We note:

1. That the UK is responsible for ten tax havens.

2. The UK is itself a tax haven for rich foreigners because of its domicile rule

3. There has been almost no progress in increasing transparency in tax havens

4. Latest deals with tax havens like Switzerland confirm their right to provide banking secrecy

5. Tax havens are estimated to cost the UK £18.5 billion a year

We demand:

a. That the UK force its tax havens to reform

b. That the UK domicile rule be abolished

c. That automatic exchange of information between states on income earned by people and companies be established so that no one can hide their income from tax authorities

d. That deals that preserve banking secrecy with Switzerland and other states be scrapped before they are signed

e. That the secrecy surrounding offshore companies and trusts be banned

 

As the Guardian notes:

The government’s radical programme to slash spending will see the first rise in absolute child poverty for 15 years, with almost 200,000 children pushed into penury, according to an analysis by the Institute of Fiscal Studies.

Tax changes introduced by the coalition government will, the leading independent fiscal thinktank finds, increase absolute poverty by 200,000 children and 200,000 working-age adults in 2012-13.

Cuts to housing benefit alone will force a further 100,000 children into poverty.

This is deliberate.

It is deliberate because there is a choice on this issue.

There is a choice available to close the tax gap. That could raise at least £20 billion a year.

There is a choice available that could redirect £20 billion of pension fund cash into new jobs in the UK economy, helping prevent the curse of unemployment.

There is a choice to start a Green New Deal available and on the table – a real industrial strategy for the UK. And it could be funded from Green Quantitative Easing.

In other words, this poverty is not inevitable.

The alternative is available.

Which means it is deliberate.

The ConDems should not be forgiven for making the wrong choice.

© 2005 - 2011 Tax Research UK.
Some rights reserved. Creative Commons License
Suffusion theme by Sayontan Sinha