National savings bonds: what is there to lose?

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A comment was posted by regular commentator Kit W-N overnight on yesterday's proposal to issue bonds to reconnect public savings with public purpose. The issues he raised are important, so I reproduce much of his comment here before addressing them:

Sounds like a great idea for several reasons but I'm still a little confused about the detail.

The government doesn't actually need to issue these bonds, the money is available anyway. So am I right in thinking….

1) The aim of the bonds is to attract savings that might otherwise go into private speculation into government bank accounts that are ringfenced.

2) Savings placed in specific bonds can only be used for the investment in that area.

Does this mean that if NHS bonds are way more popular than housing bonds we can all expect caviar for lunch in hospital but still too much homelessness, or will the reality be a single wad of money which is spent across the board and the real distinction is ‘which pretty picture would you like on your savings bond?'

Does, or indeed, should the amount of government spending on these areas depend purely on the amount of savings bonds issued?

I'm not trying to decry the idea, I want to understand how this works in practice in a country which can issue as much currency as it deems appropriate.

I fully appreciate the emotional engagement that goes with issuing these bonds, but how much of that is real and how much of it is marketing?

Paying the interest to people in the community rather than a foreign bank is obviously a very positive step of it's own.

These are fair questions, and they highlight some important points.

One is that MMT is not a manifesto, or a mandatory set of instructions. It does not prescribe what governments must do. It explains how the monetary system works and, in doing so, it opens up policy choices. It does not close them down.

One of those choices is for the government to provide safe places for people to save. I entirely agree with Kit that the government does not need to issue bonds in order to spend. But that does not mean it should not issue them. That is a quite separate decision, and I have long argued it should do so because the UK's financial system could not survive without them.

But that is not why these bonds should be issued. These bonds serve a strong social purpose.

Firstly, if people wish to save, I believe that government has a duty to provide secure savings vehicles where people's money is put to good use and is not used in the casino of the stock exchange. At present, far too much is exposed to that risk, as I outline in this morning's video. And a lot more is saved in cash in ways that provide no economic benefit, except potentially by reducing the rate of inflation, albeit very indirectly. Both of these risks threaten society, and since markets have failed to provide alternatives, it is the government's job to do so.

Secondly, that means putting those savings to use for social purpose. This should be, I suggest, as the capital for investment in housing, the NHS, energy, local government or other public priorities.

Thirdly, that does not mean spending should be determined by the popularity of particular bonds. Government should spend according to need and the availability of real resources, not according to how many people buy NHS bonds rather than housing bonds. The labels on the bonds are primarily about giving savers a choice as to where they would like their savings to be directed, but that said, the label must be meaningful: the funds must be directed to the use for which they have been saved, and accountability must be built in. However, the chance that this would replace all government funding in any area is low, and the needs for investment are, anyway, enormous. What matters is the principle: savings are being channelled into productive capital formation rather than speculation.

Fourthly, there is another benefit. If savers provide the capital via ISAs and pension funds, as I suggest, with ISAs only available if saved in these funds, the government saves significantly on the current cost of subsidising such schemes (which amount to about £80bn a year in total, all of which is lost to the City of London as a form of direct subsidy for the nearly useless savings products it sells), recouping some of that money for social advantage as well. This then means it would only have to make good any gap between the financial return the investment generates and the return savers require, less the cost of the saved subsidy. The cost to the public purse can therefore be quite modest, whilst society gains the full benefit of the investment.

So there is an element of engagement, and if you like, marketing. But it is much more than that. It is about creating institutions that connect private saving with public purpose, something our present financial system does remarkably badly. At the same time, it is about turning currently wasted public cost from subsidising harmful savings products into a public gain at numerous levels, including by:

  • Reallocating savings to public purpose
  • Reducing financial risk
  • Breaking the bond market myth
  • Ending PFI
  • Creating employment
  • Reviving the local economy
  • Creating the assets society needs
  • Supporting climate transition
  • Providing safe returns to savers.

What is there to lose?

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