Zack Polanski, migration, the Greens, and an economics of care

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Zack Polanski issued a Christmas message yesterday that demanded the country solve the problem of small boats crossing the English Channel.

As he pointed out, quite fairly, France is not a safe place for those refugees seeking asylum in the UK. It is deliberately inhospitable, a circumstance that we in the UK help to fund. In addition, to have a chance of seeking asylum in this country, which is a person's legal right, we require desperate people to immerse themselves in the bitter cold of the winter sea and take the risk of drowning. It is hard to think of a clearer way for this country to display its hostility to those people that politicians seek to describe as the “other”. That this then spills over into broader hostility towards those believed to be “foreign” within our population, however and whenever they arrived here, and however much they may have contributed to this country, is unsurprising and, undoubtedly, entirely deliberate.

I also noted the Pope's Christmas message, reported in the Guardian yesterday, in which he said:

Pope Leo has told Christians that the Christmas story should remind them of their duty to help the poor and strangers.

In his Christmas Eve sermon, the pope said the story of Jesus being born in a stable because there was no room at an inn showed followers that refusing to help those in need was tantamount to rejecting God himself.

Leo, who has made care for immigrants and the poor key themes of his early papacy, said Jesus' birth showed God's presence in every person as he led the world's 1.4 billion Catholics into Christmas at a mass in St Peter's Basilica.

It would be easy to think that this was aimed at Nigel Farage and Reform, but frankly, the target was just as much Keir Starmer and Kemi Badenoch, and their predecessors as leaders of their respective parties, with the exception of Jeremy Corbyn. All of them have rejected the message of Christmas in this way. 

Zack Polanski's message was that we have to do something different. I am not entirely sure what he has in mind, because that was not laid out, and as one Green Party activist put it to me yesterday afternoon, that might itself be a mistake. I disagree. I am not sure that policy detail is the message of Christmas Day. Goodwill to all people is. But in a hostile environment, which is what we have in the UK, policy detail has to follow pretty quickly, and I am not sure that the Greens yet have that policy framework in place. In that case, let me summarise what is necessary, in my opinion.

First, we need an economic policy that faces up to the social and environmental world that we have created, with all the consequences that flow from it. The disruptions and conflicts, armed or otherwise, that arise from the stresses created by neoliberalism's insatiable desire to control places and resources for the benefit of a few in Western society require a radical reformation of the way in which we manage our economy.

That reformation is ideological. On the ground, the toolbox already exists. I have explained that recently. The problem is not that we lack the mechanisms necessary to deliver policies of inclusion that would benefit everyone in the UK, and those with a legitimate right to come here, but that we lack the political will and ability to use them. Politicians have never considered the possibility that there might be other ways of doing things than those with which they are familiar, and that in itself exposes the fact that they are not leaders at all.

I could expand on what follows from those observations quite considerably, and perhaps I will need to do so, but let me just run through, quite briefly, what is required to deliver what we need, because I have explained all of them previously.

First, we need a politics of care. This means focusing on meeting the needs of people, not the needs of finance. Post-financialisation economics is all about that. We need to:

  • House people.
  • Feed people.
  • Deliver clean water.
  • Ensure clean air.
  • Educate people.
  • Provide for their health.
  • Deliver care when it is needed.
  • Ensure opportunities for employment for everyone who wants it.
  • Ensure people are fairly paid for what they do.
  • Protect people against discrimination.
  • Ensure they are fairly represented and heard within the political system.
  • Deliver justice when it is required.
  • Robustly defend the right to undertake these activities.
  • Protect these freedoms.
  • Ensure that we live within our environmental constraints.
  • Actively plan to do so.
  • Accept that we will, as a society, have failed if we leave successive generations with fewer resources than we ourselves have used.
  • Protect our legacy, in other words, for the benefit of those who come after us.

This may seem like a considerable demand, but in practice, we know how to do all of these things. There are no surprises in this list. Nothing here is unknown. These freedoms are what we believed we would establish after the end of the conflict in 1945. The technological capacity to deliver what is necessary could very easily exist if we chose to make it so. The obstacle to progress is not that we do not know what is required or lack the skills to deliver it. The obstacle is the greed and self-interest of those who wish to accumulate financial wealth above all else, at cost to the vast majority of people in the world and to those yet to come into it. A few are destroying opportunity for the many. Let us not pretend otherwise.

Let me also not pretend that overcoming this greed will be easy. But unless we name the reason for change and then promote it, showing that it is technically possible, change cannot happen. As I have argued, we need a better song to sing. Now is the time to start singing it. If enough of us do so, change will happen.

So, in the economic sphere, about which I am best qualified to write, what must we do?

First, we must abandon fiscal rules and the associated full funding rule for government. The pretence that nothing can be done by government unless financial markets consent, which was the deliberate reason why these rules were created in 1997 and reinforced in 2010, must be abandoned. As is obvious, they are very modern constructs, created by neoliberal thinking to deliberately constrain government in order to serve the interests of the City of London and the financial greed embedded within it. They have no other purpose.

They also misrepresent the relationship between the City and government by pretending that government is dependent on tax receipts and borrowing to fund its activity, when in practice the capacity to pay tax and to save in government-sponsored accounts exists solely because government has injected money throhgh its spending into the economy in the first place and by running deficits, which are essential to the well-being of everyone, and perhaps most especially those with wealth, who accumulate a disproportionate share of the resulting funds.

When we understand that the government is free to act, it is liberated to do so, and that is why this change matters so much.

In practice, tax yields may need to follow government spending quite closely (but not perfectly) to manage inflation (although more can and should come from those with wealth, and I have shown how), and what are effectively bank deposit facilities may still need to be provided by the government for those with substantial savings. But, vitally, the understanding of the ordering of events is reversed. The government is in charge. Finance is not. Power is recognised as residing in the political sphere. A politics of care becomes possible.

At the same time, if we recognise that the whole basis of financialisation, and the politics built upon it, has been speculation, or what might more accurately be called gambling, then the vital task of government becomes to reconnect saving with the funding of investment. This connection has been almost entirely broken over the past fifty years. As I have explained many times, most savings are now entrusted to institutions that use them to speculate on the value of second-hand shares and property, while banks have no need for deposits to make loans, because we now understand that bank lending is not constrained by deposits.

I have set out mechanisms to recreate the link between saving and investment in two parts (see pages 277 - 299, here). One requires a total reform of the ISA system. The other requires partial reform of pension saving. Together, they could release at least £100 billion a year for capital investment in the UK economy, which is more than enough to deliver the investment needed, within real resource constraints, to achieve a politics of care, whether the need is housing, green infrastructure, or the replacement of crumbling schools and hospitals. All that is required is political will to stand up to the City of London and deny it the opportunity to extract value from us, so that we might instead create value for ourselves.

Do this, and a Green New Deal becomes possible. We could have:

  • The new, sustainable housing we need.
  • A carbon army to transform the 28 million homes and properties in the UK so they become the power stations of the future and dramatically reduce energy waste.
  • Transformed industrial systems.
  • Renewed public infrastructure.
  • Training for everyone who needs it.
  • Long-term employment for those who want to work in activities of genuine social value.
  • All the supporting institutions required to make this happen.

In the process, we could transform this country into one where:

  • Energy dependence is reduced.
  • Food dependence is reduced.
  • Domestic production replaces imports.
  • Full employment becomes achievable.
  • High productivity becomes possible through training and proper incentives.
  • The culture of low productivity and labour insecurity is eliminated.
  • Economic and social security increase.
  • Community confidence rises.
  • Hope is restored, especially for younger people who currently feel abandoned.
  • A culture of care is rebuilt.

It would, of course, be naïve to imagine that this could happen overnight. Changing the direction of an economy takes time, and transition processes must be designed accordingly. Zack Polanski's commitment to addressing migration would still require the allocation of resources. But if we can imagine a society in which life is better for everyone, which is what I have described and which is technically possible, then the case for investing in the integration of those seeking safety rather than fear becomes compelling. Throughout the history of the UK, this has been how we have refreshed our culture, economy, and thinking: by welcoming new ideas, challenging norms, and adapting to new circumstances.

This could happen again, but only if we create an environment in which there is hope of employment, housing, care, and education for everyone, whoever they are. That is precisely what the current politics of financialisation seek to prevent, by choice, with all major political parties complicit in that exclusion.

Exclusion of the majority, which is what we have at present, is, therefore, what we must change above all else. If we do, the inclusion of a relatively small number of refugees each year becomes socially, culturally, and economically possible. The hostility we see now is rooted in the fact that those who already feel excluded often, rationally, believe that newcomers worsen a crisis created by a political system designed to be hostile to them. If exclusion of the majority is normalised, as it currently is, then exclusion of migrants becomes acceptable. If inclusion is normalised, acceptance of refugees and migrants follows.

My point, then, is simple. This is possible. By recognising that government creates money, that we are not dependent on the City, and that the City has failed to deliver the investment we need, we can change the direction of the economy so fundamentally that a caring society becomes achievable.

I will, of course, explain this in more detail in due course. For now, what matters is that this is not possible:

  • If we retain fiscal rules designed to constrain government.
  • If we indefinitely defer action on climate change.
  • Unless we believe in the capacity of the people who live here, who want to do more and are capable of doing more, but are denied the chance.

Virtually, none of this requires that we discard most of what we already have: we just have to use it better by changing the ideas that govern its use.

I think Zack Polanski was talking yesterday about a politics of care. He did not use the phrase, but that does not matter. That is what he meant.

My argument is that we can also have an economics of care to support it, provided we meet the necessary conditions.

Almost everything required to change the direction and goals of this country is set out in this one post. Do what I suggest, and it would be possible to transform the UK so that, remarkably, the wealthy would still remain wealthy enough to feel themselves at the top, while the rest of us would have more than enough to live well. And if everyone can do more than merely survive, but can flourish instead, then we can build a society worth living in, and still leave a better world for those who come after us.

I hope that is what Zack is talking about, because that's what I want.


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