What happens when superpowers can’t win wars?

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Three of the world's most powerful militaries are simultaneously stuck in conflicts they cannot win.

Russia has not defeated Ukraine after four years. America has not forced Iran to surrender after three months. Israel has not destroyed Hamas after two and a half years.
This is not a run of bad luck. It is a pattern, and it is telling us something devastating about the assumptions that now drive UK defence policy.

The three failing wars — and what each one proves:

  • Russia invaded Ukraine and expected victory in days and got years of war, catastrophic casualties, massive equipment losses, and an economy permanently distorted, with Ukraine still undefeated.
  • The USA attacked Iran to supposedly eliminate its nuclear capability on 28 February 2026; three months later, Iran's government is intact, its military is intact, its population has not surrendered, and the Strait of Hormuz is closed.
  • Israel invaded Gaza in October 2023. Tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians have been killed, genocide and ethnic cleansing have happened, and yet Hamas is not destroyed, there is no functioning administration, and there is no peace, nor any sign of when it might be achieved.

What the pattern tells us:

  • Military superiority no longer translates into political victory.
  • The post-war military-industrial complex that was built on the assumption that overwhelming force would produce military resolutions to conflict is failing in real time.
  • Every one of these conflicts has increased instability, and not reducing it.
  • The UK is now committed to spending 3% of GDP on defence, with no coherent explanation of what political outcomes that spending is supposed to achieve.

What actually works and what the UK should be promoting is something quite different:

  • Diplomacy, international law, and multilateral institutions have delivered durable peace where military force has not.
  • The post-war European settlement, built on economic integration and institution building, not rearmament, is the model that worked
  • Patient negotiation and the politics of care are not weaknesses; they are now the only approaches to conflict resolution with an evidence base.

The UK is sleepwalking into a 3% GDP defence commitment at the precise moment three superpower militaries are demonstrating that military spending does not win wars. This video asks the question Westminster refuses to ask: what is it actually for?

This is the audio version:

This is the transcript:


UK politics is distracting us right now, but the world beyond our borders is not waiting for us to catch up, and we should be paying attention still.

And maybe the biggest issue we should be looking at is the fact that three major military powers are stuck in conflicts right now, and they cannot win them. That fact carries enormous lessons for all of us. But those lessons are being ignored by the people making decisions right now. This video is about what those lessons actually are.

Russia, the United States and Israel are all trapped in military impasses at this moment. None of them can convert their military superiority into political victory. And I'm suggesting that this is not a coincidence; it is a pattern.

The pattern is consistent, repeated, and damning. At its most basic level, the military-industrial complex of the post-war era is failing. It promised to impose power by threat, and now its threat is shown to be hollow, and almost nobody in mainstream politics is drawing the obvious conclusions from that.

Putin launched his invasion of Ukraine in February, 2022. He expected a rapid victory. Russian doctrine, propaganda and intelligence all assumed that Ukraine would collapse quickly. More than four years later, Ukraine has not been defeated. It has lost some territory, but the war is now a stalemate. And in the meantime, Russia has suffered catastrophic casualties and equipment losses. Its economy is becoming totally distorted by a permanent war footing, with this war now having lasted longer than the Second World War did with regard to Russia, and the outcome, at enormous human cost, remains a stalemate, and Russia increasingly looks to be on the back foot.

Trump launched his war on Iran on 28th February this year, 2026. The stated objective, as much as there ever was one, was to eliminate Iran's nuclear capability. Nearly three months later, there is no surrender, no settlement, and no stable outcome, and no sign that anything of that sort will be achieved in the foreseeable future.

Iran's government remains intact despite all the casualties imposed upon it by Israel and the USA. Its military is not broken and still appears to be well equipped, and its population has not capitulated.

Military strikes have produced danger and uncertainty; there's no doubt about that, but there has been no resolution. For Trump, the situation in the Gulf is now worse than when he started. When he started, the Strait of Hormuz was open; now it isn't, and the world is in crisis as a consequence.

And then let's look at Israel. Israel launched its Gaza offensive in October 2023 after the attack by Hamas on its territory, and it did so with overwhelming force. By May 2026, it has killed many tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians, has committed a genocide and an ethnic cleansing, but Hamas has not been destroyed as a political or military force, and there is no functioning administration in Gaza to replace it.

That's a critical point. There is no peace, no security, and no credible end state, whatever Trump, Tony Blair, and anybody else might like to say. Military superiority has produced trouble in Gaza, but it has not produced a resolution, and yet again, there is none in sight.

What does it mean then when the most powerful military states cannot win wars anymore?

Is the question that should be dominating political debate right now, but it isn't, and yet the answer has profound implications for how we organise our security.

It challenges all the assumptions that have driven Western policy for decades. Those assumptions are now demonstrably and repeatedly wrong. That model of military power assumes conventional superiority would produce geopolitical control, and yet it isn't. The evidence of that is now overwhelming.

You can destroy infrastructure and still not subdue a population. That is what we have now learned.

You can launch precision strikes and still not achieve your political objectives, even if you can take out a head of state.

Vietnam provided us with lessons like this more than 50 years ago. I remember it, and Afghanistan has done so over many years since then. Continuing not to learn now is a choice and not an oversight.

And yet, despite all this, the UK is committed to raising defence spending at this time, hoping to increase it to 3% of GDP without ever explaining why that is a magic number or what goal will be achieved as a result.

At the same time, Germany is re-arming, and Europe's entire political conversation has shifted towards defence expenditure, but nobody knows why or what they're going to buy.

The premise is that more military capacity will produce more security, and yet that premise is exactly what the evidence of recent decades completely refutes. Those demanding more spending owe us a clear answer, is my point. How precisely does this spending produce the outcomes being promised when the evidence says it can't?

If military force cannot deliver political outcomes, the point I'm now making is that we need to look for other solutions. Doing so is practical and not soft-headed.

Diplomacy, international law and multilateral institutions, as well as patient negotiations, have actually produced peace in recent decades.

The post-war European settlement was built on economic integration. It was built on institution building, and it was built upon sustained political work. The evidence that it worked is there for all to see. We have moved away from military solutions to disputes inside Europe, and that model has delivered decades of stability. The EU is, in many ways, the extraordinary everyday legacy of that for all its faults; and yes, it's got them.

So what we have are two things. Evidence of models that work, which are peaceful, and evidence of models that don't work, which are violent. But despite that, calling for more weapon spending is the easy course of action. It is the default political move still. It is what the political class does when it has no idea what else to do, but it won't work because it hasn't worked.

In this situation, then, real courage would represent calling for fundamentally different ways of organising the world. The current approach is failing visibly, repeatedly, at catastrophic human cost; we should be honest about that.

But let's also be clear, being stuck is not only a crisis, it is also an opening. Russia, America, Israel, and maybe China, let's not forget them; they might also reach an impasse if they tried to do something stupid, are not omnipotent then, whatever their rhetoric suggests. Their failure to win creates space for a different kind of politics. The argument for diplomacy and multilateral solutions now has the evidence behind it, and they are, of course, key to our politics of care.

I keep on talking about care, but I mean that it's important. What we are seeing is that the lack of care in the military sphere and a belief in the power of violence is failing us. I'm now saying it's time to believe in people, in talk, in negotiation and peace, and that way we could deliver a politics that really works and a politics that really cares.

That's what I think. What do you think? There's a poll down below. Please leave us your comments. Please like this video if that's what you do. Please share it because that helps us with YouTube, and if you're so inclined and you would like to leave us a donation, there's a link down below to help you do just that.


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