Modern Monetary Theory — or modern money as I prefer to call it — simply describes the truth about how money works in the real economy.
Governments create new money every time they spend. Taxation removes money from the economy to control inflation. That's not a theory: it's how the Bank of England says money works.
So why do politicians insist the government can “run out of money”? Why do they say the NHS can't be funded, but war and bank bailouts always can?
In this video, I share 12 essential questions to challenge politicians when they deny economic reality — and ensure the power of money is used for people, not for the wealthy few.
This is the audio version:
This is the transcript:
If you want to ask, what is the most contentious economic policy in the UK right now, I might well answer that it is modern monetary theory or the modern money model, as I might prefer to call it, or just modern money. And all that modern money does is describe how, quite literally, the money that you and I use functions inside the real-world economy in which we live.
As a matter of fact, and there is no dispute about this from central bankers, every time a government spends money, new money is created by the marking up of the government's bank account with its central bank to permit the payment in question to be made, just as much as your credit card statement is marked up every time you put your card on a card reader. There is literally no difference.
And then when the government wishes to clear that overdraft, and it does to control inflation because otherwise there would be too much money in the economy, it imposes tax to bring money back into the state coffers to limit the amount of new money that it has put into circulation. That is all that modern monetary theory says. You would think it is so logical, so straightforward, so complete, so absolutely sensible that nobody could argue about it, and yet it seems everybody wants to.
The right-wing hates it because they believe that this gives government a role that they don't want to afford it, and the left-wing hates it because they're petrified that this would enable them to deliver all the policies that they talk about, but which they don't know how to deliver.
The result is modern money, and its explanation of how the economy works, is abused by everyone. And yet it's true, and I really cannot put it otherwise. This is what actually happens in banking. It's been proven to be true. Central bankers know it. Bond dealers even know it. There is no news in this to anyone who really understands money, but politicians do like denying the truth, as we know.
So, as a consequence, I've come up with 12 questions you need to ask the politicians if they deny this truth, and what I want to run through now is just what those 12 questions are and why they might be useful.
The first is this. What do you think money is?
This is the obvious question to ask any politician who says, "Oh, money, that's scarce." No, it isn't. It isn't a finite resource; it's a public tool that we can choose to create as much of as we like and to then put to good effect. So why is it that you are treating it as finite when it's actually infinite, if we decided to make it so? Although, of course, we wouldn't because that would be negligent, because we need to control inflation, but the point is, the power to create money is with politicians. But if they deny that's with them, what do they think money is? That's the first question.
The second one is, who should decide how much money exists in the economy?
Now this is an important question because money is actually made in two stages. One by the government itself when it spends, and secondly, private banks create money when they lend, but of course, they can only do that under license from the government's central bank. In other words, private banks can't create money without government permission.
That's been the case in the UK since 1844, in case you think this is some new radical innovation.
But who should have the real control of the money supply? Should it be government, or should it be those private banks? Should they have unfettered and unlimited power to create money whilst the government begs for whatever shekel it can find, whenever it can be spared some by the City? Or, are we actually talking about the fact that the government should be in control of this process, both by understanding its own money creation process, and by imposing capital controls on the ability of private banks to create money in a way that can, and has, and does threaten financial stability? Who does decide? That's question two.
Question three is, if the government does not create the money we need, how do we earn the money required to pay tax?
This is really a variation on the theme of another question, which is: does spending have to precede taxation? And the answer is, of course, yes, because if a government declares a currency to be its legal tender, how do people get it if the government doesn't spend it into existence?
No one I know talks about the government getting that money into existence by printing a whole pile of it - as if printing money is now of any real relevance - and leaving it sitting on street corners to be taken away by whoever wants it. That isn't how money is created and certainly isn't how it is put into circulation.
Money is created by the government deciding to spend in accordance with a legal budget approved by parliament. The Bank of England then creates the money in question, having checked that the authority to do so does exist - there's a person who's authorised to do that - and then extending the government's overdraft to enable the payment to take place. That's how money gets into existence in our economy. There is no other way in which the process can begin.
Therefore, how do we get the money that we need to pay tax? We get it from the government because the government made it to pay for whatever it bought out of the economy in which we all live.
Therefore, in practice, when we talk about "Oh, I've got to pay my money back to the government," what you're paying back is the money that the government spent into the economy from which you benefited because it provided you with services.
No, not ones that you necessarily would always use. If you are a person who's never had children, then you may not have used education since you yourself were at school. But that doesn't mean that education is of no benefit to you.
If you're an employer and you have private medical insurance, you may not use the NHS very much, but that doesn't mean to say you don't benefit from the NHS, because, of course, your staff do.
So the point is you will have benefited. Everybody benefits from what the state spends.
How, then, do we pay for the tax that we owe? We pay for it out of the money that the government has spent into the economy, which it reclaims to prevent inflation happening. The government provides us with the money that we need to pay the tax that we owe. It's a bit of a shocking idea, but the truth is, it's true.
What about the fourth question? If we can always find money for war, bank bailouts, and corporate subsidies, why can't we find money for hospitals, homes, and care?
And the answer here is, of course, we can. There is no difference between finding money for war, or bank bailouts, or corporate subsidies, and, of course, we have spent a fortune on bank bailouts in 2008 and corporate subsidies during COVID, but we still claim we can't find money for hospitals, homes, and care. We could, it's just down to choice; nothing else explains the difference. We could always find money for those things if we wanted to, and we understood how money works.
So what's question five? Who benefits when we treat the government as financially constrained, because that's what governments do?
Rachel Reeves has her fiscal rules. All her Tory predecessors had fiscal rules. All of them pretend that they cannot spend because the markets won't let them, and money is scarce, and they can only put back into the economy what the private sector will let them have, which is a whole pile of hogwash.
They create a narrative of austerity, claiming it is a technical inevitability, and that political choices demand that they must therefore constrain the services that are available to us.
That is about preserving the interests of wealth.
It is about preserving the interests of right-wing economists who do want the state to be small.
It is about preserving the well-being of the City of London.
But it's not about preserving your well-being, or mine.
Austerity is then a technical choice based upon a total misrepresentation of the power of the state to deliver what we need by claiming money is limited in supply and austerity is necessary when, as a matter of fact, it never is.
What is question six? It is, if unemployment exists, who chooses it?
Now that sounds to many people like an odd question. Nobody chooses to be unemployed. , Don't; they want a job. And as a matter of fact, most companies don't like making people unemployed. I genuinely think that's true. Most people whom I've known who've had to make people unemployed in companies, and I have done so in my career, hate the process. They understand the pain they're causing. They are, most of them, human beings; they don't want to create unemployment.
But if unemployment happens, and unemployment happens on a large scale - in other words, it's systemic and not just because of a particular local failure - then who has chosen to create unemployment? The answer is, of course, the government has, because it has not injected enough money into the economy to use all the resources that are available within that economy to best effect. One of the resources that is not put to use is, of course, the people who want to offer themselves as employees.
So the government could create the money to deliver full employment whenever it likes. That is an option available to it when we understand that it can create money. They could secure work and dignity for everyone, but they don't. So if unemployment exists in an economy, who chooses it? The answer is a government who doesn't understand money.
What is question seven? Well, it's a big one. Can we tackle climate breakdown without large and sustained public investment? And the answer is very clearly, no, we can't.
We have climate breakdown precisely because the private sector has failed. The private sector treated the climate as an externality, as an economist would call it something they didn't have to worry about. A free gift of nature in economic theory. Something that we could exploit without any consequence. Only, we now know that all of that was garbage. There was in fact an enormous cost of treating the climate in that way. But if the whole of our private sector is designed to ensure that we do not account for the cost it imposes upon the climate, then, of course, it is only the public sector that is going to change things.
We have a choice, then. The government could deliver the future we need if only it chose to run the deficits that people who want to save with it require be created because those deficits give them the opportunity to literally save with the government, which is what most people want to do in most economies around the world, where the evidence is that more than 80% of all savings are in government-backed savings vehicles.
So what is question eight? What actually causes inflation?
And the answer is, it is not too much public spending. It is instead the abuse of market power by corporations and landlords.
Let's be clear about this: almost all the inflation that we have seen during most of my lifetime, and I am older than most people alive now, which is a shocking fact I have to come to terms with, was caused by the abuse of market power by corporations, or landlords, or banks.
In particular, most was caused by some companies somewhere denying resources to markets that people needed.
That was oil in the 1970s.
That was oil and gas during the recent outbreak of war in Ukraine.
Sometimes, as during The course of the reopening from COVID, it was fitted kitchens or cars that people wanted to buy, which they couldn't get, quite literally, because they physically weren't available at the point they wanted to part with their cash, so they upped prices as a consequence in a bidding war to get whatever it was they demanded.
At other periods, it's been the consequence of the excess of corporate profits, or excessive interest rates, because excessive interest rates are themselves inflationary.
The point is, there's almost never during my lifetime been inflation caused by people demanding too high a wage rise, or the government spending too much.
There's no evidence in the UK that government money creation has in fact ever caused inflation. So every time you hear somebody saying, "Oh, if the government prints money, we'll get inflation" they're wrong; that hasn't happened, but abuse of markets by companies resulting in inflation is our lived experience.
So why do politicians choose to give the wrong answer? You now know the right answer. Ask politicians what actually causes inflation, and when they say it is government recklessness, correct them. Tell them in it's corporate power that does so.
What is question nine? Why should the left defend the idea that the state must borrow its own currency from the wealthy?
That's my ninth question, and it's because I don't understand where the left is with regard to modern monetary theory. We've made other videos on this question, and it's an important question to address because the left should be empowered by the idea that the state has available to it every single tool it needs to reallocate resources within society from money creation, which directs spending to achieve outcomes and taxation, which can be used to control inflation and, at the same time, redistribute income and wealth.
This is the left's dream, which is, of course, why the right hate modern monetary theory, because they can see what it enables, and yet we are living with a left-wing political hierarchy in the UK and in other countries, who appear determined to deny the power that is already available to them, provided by the state that actually exists.
The left doesn't need a class struggle.
The left doesn't need a revolution. It doesn't need to overthrow.
It just needs to claim the power that democracy could give to it if only it could get its act together and get voted into office with a true left of centre agenda.
So, it's their time to talk the truth? And the truth is that the state has the power to deliver everything they already want.
What is question ten then? This is, if the state creates money, why do we pretend it can run out?
And, of course, that is said. People do claim that governments can go bankrupt.
It's said time after time that we might have to go to the International Monetary Fund for a bailout in the UK.
Or that we might default on our national debt, even though we haven't done so since 1694, and we've run one since then.
And the only reason, by the way we ever went to the IMF was because we were foolish enough to borrow in dollars, and we don't do that anymore.
So the pretence that the state can run out of money is false, because the state can always pay its debts because it can always create new money to do so by simply passing a legal budget through Parliament, which can then be used to instruct the Bank of England to make the payments in question. That's it.
Why do we then permit political projects that depend on maintaining this myth? I wish I could answer that question, because all I can say is we let them get away with this to abuse us. And abuse us, those who promote these projects, do. That, is the whole core of what they're trying to do.
What's question eleven? Who should then control the narrative of affordability?
Do we want to have hedge funds financiers, the City of London, maybe bankers, and sometimes even our life assurance companies and our pension funds determine what the state can supply for us, or do we, the electorate, want control? That is the choice that we are faced with.
Do we want to give them the power over money?
Or do we want the government to have the power over money, which is its to have, if only it understands it? And which is ours to control if only we have politicians who will put themselves forward for election using that power by offering us different electoral agendas as a consequence.
But the point is, who should control the narrative of affordability? Is it the City or is it us? I really do think it's us, don't you?
Finally, if real limits are skills, labour, resources and the planet, why are we still behaving as if the limit is money?
And there is no real answer to this question because it's so baffling that the question has to be asked.
It's obvious that money is not what we can eat.
It's obvious that money is not what actually sustains us.
It is obvious that money is not the basis of our productive relationships.
It is obvious that money is not a store of wealth; it is merely a record of wealth.
To confuse money with the real thing is perhaps one of the biggest mistakes that modern politics does. It pretends that money is real when money is just a record. A note in a bank account. An entry in an accountant's ledger. A totting up of numbers on a spreadsheet. But the reality is something much, much bigger than that. It is real people, real skills, real resources, and the planet we live upon.
So why do we pretend that money is the problem where money can always be created if there is something useful to be done?
I stress the point if there is something useful to be done and there are the resources available to do it, but what modern monetary theory or modern money, as I prefer to call it shows, is that we can always find those resources because when we join together the power of the state to spend money and the power of the state to tax, we can allocate resources within our society in the way we want. That is literally what the joy of the modern economy is. We can help the well-being of people if only we wish to deliver it.
So you have been empowered. Those are 12 questions. You will hear those points. You will hear people say things that require those questions be asked, and now you know the answers and the arguments. Please go use them. We would have a better world if you did.
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There’s actually a thirteenth and the most ominous question of all for the people of this country which is do you want it de-inhabited in the future by the climate change effect explained below because you’ve failed to get to grips with how money really works.
https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2025/12/the-point-of-no-return-for-the-warm-water-atlantic-current-is-coming-up-fast.html
Do for example you want this because you’ve failed to recognise an important feedback effect of the belief held by UK right-wing parties (and some supposedly left-wing ones) that the government has no money creation powers which is it not only stifles demand generally but also the will of this country to do what it can to mitigate the above climate change effect?
https://billmitchell.org/blog/?p=62980
Thanks
Accepted
I wouldn’t worry too much about the climate.
It’s reported that the latest Chinese coal fired power stations are capable of capturing 90 per cent of CO2 emissions.
I was having a drink the other day with a man who runs a business making sodium ion batteries. If those are scaled up you can extract sodium from the salt i sea water. Do that on a big enough scale and the ice caps grow back.
I have lost faith in your comment
From Google AI:-
The technology for capturing \(CO_{2}\) is effective at a technical level, but its overall success in the power sector has been limited by economic and operational issues.
Capture Efficiency:-
CCS technologies are designed to capture 85-90% of the \(CO_{2}\) from the exhaust stream, and in some pilot projects, have even reached over 90% capture efficiency.
Energy Penalty:-
The main drawback is the significant amount of energy required to capture, compress, and transport the \(CO_{2}\) (the “energy penalty”), which can reduce a power plant’s net output and efficiency by 15-40%. This increases the fuel needs of the plant and the cost of the electricity generated.
Commercial Deployment:-
Despite decades of research and pilot programs, most proposed large-scale CCS projects for power plants have failed, been cancelled, or put on hold. As of 2024, only a few commercial-scale coal power plants with CCS are operational worldwide, such as the Boundary Dam facility in Canada and the Petra Nova project in the US (which paused operations due to low oil prices).
Cost and Economics:-
The high capital and operational costs of CCS make it difficult to be cost-competitive with cheaper, cleaner alternatives like wind and solar power. Financial incentives or a high price on carbon emissions are crucial for making CCS economically viable.
Storage and Utilization:-
Once captured, the \(CO_{2}\) needs to be transported and stored securely in deep geological formations (like saline aquifers or depleted oil fields) for thousands of years. The vast majority of current operational projects use the \(CO_{2}\) for enhanced oil recovery (EOR), which provides an economic benefit but is controversial as burning the additional oil recovered releases \(CO_{2}\) back into the atmosphere, potentially offsetting the climate benefits.
In conclusion, while it is technically possible to extract \(CO_{2}\) from coal plants with high efficiency, the technology has struggled to transition to widespread commercial success due to high costs, energy requirements, and the availability of more efficient renewable energy alternatives.
From Google AI:-
It is not economically or practically feasible to extract enough salt from seawater to slow down the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC). The scale of the ocean is immense, and the energy, infrastructure, and logistical requirements would be staggering and cost-prohibitive.
Economic and Practical Challenges:-
Immense Scale: The volume of water involved in the AMOC is enormous. Altering the salinity on a scale large enough to influence this major oceanic circulation pattern would require an astronomical volume of salt extraction, far exceeding the capacity of all existing desalination plants.
Prohibitive Cost:-
Desalination is an energy-intensive and expensive process, primarily used for producing small amounts of drinking water in arid regions. The cost of building, operating, and maintaining the number of plants needed for climate intervention would be financially impossible.
Energy Consumption:-
Extracting salt from water requires a significant amount of energy to break the chemical bonds. The vast energy consumption needed for such an operation, unless entirely powered by a massive new renewable energy infrastructure, would likely exacerbate the climate change issues that are causing the AMOC to slow down in the first place.
Logistics and Infrastructure:-
The logistics of extracting, transporting, and deploying the concentrated salt (brine) into specific regions of the North Atlantic (e.g., the Irminger basin, a highly effective region for influencing AMOC) would be unworkable. Transporting massive amounts of heavy, corrosive brine via ships or pipelines is not feasible or cheap.
Brine Disposal Issues:-
Current desalination plants produce a highly concentrated brine as a byproduct, which can harm local marine ecosystems if not disposed of correctly, adding to the cost. The quantity of brine produced by a climate-scale operation would create an unsolvable environmental problem.
Thanks
I thought we had a troll
He has been banned
Very comprehensive indeed. I look forward to the pdf.
Relating this post to the very topical notion of ‘care’for a moment.
It seems that the money supply is always directed to what is ‘new’, new opportunities, more of this and that including creating money from money.
But the blind spot is that this also creates liabilities – things that need to be looked after and invested in. But we seem unable to do that – to direct money into what has been created – infrastructure, the environment, shelter and human beings.
We are forever adding stuff (and even then some get more than others) and neglecting what we have.
Maintenance, of whatever kind, whether done by men or women, has always had low status compared to an exciting novelty. And the truth is, maintenance is boring. People only notice if it’s not done, and this isn’t rewarding. Status was given to “key workers” during lockdown, but this rapidly vanished.
“.. money is actually made in two stages. One by the government itself when it spends, and secondly, private banks create money when they lend [..]
“That’s been the case in the UK since 1844”
What happened in 1844?
The Bank Charter Act 1844, sometimes referred to as the Peel Banking Act of 1844, was an Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, passed under the government of Robert Peel, which restricted the powers of British banks and gave exclusive note-issuing powers to the central Bank of England.
Since banks create money as they lend it into circulation, consideration has to be given to the fact that taxes can be paid with it, so banks perform a public function when they do this.
It may be a good idea for the Treasury to hold them to account for the new money the banks create, and they could do this by taking an equivalent charge on the assets on the bank, subject to whole or part remission by Parliament. Any unremitted charge to be converted into equity.
For all I know there may be a Prerogative power to do this.
Why?
What is your goal?
In the United States they failed to pass such a Bank Act until the Federal Reserve Act of 1913. Google AI tells us the following consequences:-
“The United States experienced more frequent financial crises than the United Kingdom during the 19th century.”
“The U.S. financial system lacked a central bank for much of the 19th century (between 1836 and 1913), which contributed to greater instability and frequent, widespread banking panics. There were at least eight major, nationwide financial crises during the century, often followed by severe and lengthy depressions.”
The development of British imperialism was a consequence of the UK’s Industrial Revolution being too successfuly partly as a consequence of the stabilising effect of the 1844 Bank Act and profits began to fall so other countries were sought to invest in including the United States. The British US investment helped counter-balance the United States financial instability by not having a central bank able to create debt free money for bail-outs.
Thanks
Anyone who follows your work will agree that the Government creates money by spending and destroys it by taxing. Without taxing, there would be too much money, creating inflation. How taxes are levied is a matter for Government policy, such as controlling inequality, taxing unfavourable activities such as those which damage health and the environment. Taxes do not pay for Government expenditure.
Under licence, banks create money (ok some differentiate by calling in credit). This seems often to be under-stressed when explaining money creation. The power of banks to not only create the money but also to decide who gets it is an incredible power. House prices have reached unprecedented levels as banks can create mortgage money, unlike the traditional building societies, but that is seldom ever explained. Money/credit created by bank lending is destroyed when the loans are repaid.
When looking at managing the economy, there is a third aspect that needs to be taken into consideration, and that is the balance with the rest of the world; we need to pay our way. True, we can always find the money to fight a war, but at the end of WWII, we ended up owing the US a lot of dollars. The EU is working out how to release Russian funds to support Ukraine, not because Ukraine needs hryvnias but because it needs foreign currency to purchase supplies it can’t meet from within its own economy.
Right now, this country is running a significant negative trade balance. This is partly deindustrialisation, an overvalued currency, and a financial sector that has been allowed to fail the economy. We have to improve our balance of trade, and I think those who understand how the money system works need to be able to offer policies that money created for good purposes doesn’t drift off to other economies. Devaluation doesn’t work when you cannot replace imports in the short term. For example, we import forty percent of our food.
I would like to suggest that supporters of modern money, of which I am one hundred percent, need to have clear policy proposals to deal with this Achilles heel of the British economy.
I have written about this here recently, several times.
First, I talked about the overvalued pound and we need it to fall. Look up the finance curse.
And second, there are capital controls. I raise the, for a reason.
Third, there is the floating exchange rate. In essence, this is it.
Thank you for these 12 (or 13, thanks to Schofield) questions.
They will be very useful in proselytising Modern Money in social media debates – focusing according to the opponent’s objections, which gives a better chance of being heard.
[…] Cross-posted from Richard Murphy’s blog “Funding the Future” […]
@ Michael Petek. Licenced banks create money from nothing with debt whereas government money is created in the first instance from nothing without debt. Taxes are used in one purpose to regulate inflationary pressure but can be reduced in deflationary situations. What would be the purpose to add extra repayment to taxes owed by borrowing from licenced banks? Only sheer desperation!
Thanks for this excellent piece Richard, I don’t usually write to members of Parliament but I’ve sent the blog link to my Labour MP with a letter asking those pertinent questions outlined in the post.
I’ve received an automatic reply acknowledging receipt but let’s see if I receive any reply that he “gets” MMT or replies with the usual economic orthodoxy flummery.
I and most of us here would suspect the latter sadly.
Thanks
Seems to me it is more accurately described as the “current money system” but governments choose not to take advantage of it for whatever reason!
Has the latest Q&A episode this week from the rest is politics filtered through to you. In it Rory the Tory (he has increasingly shown his most Tory of attitudes in recent months) try to ‘demolish’ MMT through a series of arrogant and uninformed critiques of their recent interview with Zack Polanski. His assertion that MMT is simply a technical trick by the left and only understood by 99% of the population and that serious academic economists don’t give it much credence He really needs to get out more and I suggested he book a call with a certain prof Richard Murphy who was name checked ofc by Zack. He’s clearly got a closed mind and desperately wants to hold onto what he believes a if it’s a universal truth for ll times. Looking forward to hearing if he is interested in broadening his education.
I have approached them.
I am confident that Modern Monetary Theory makes sense. However, with our current undemocratic FPTP democratic system in the UK, and even with a sensible PR system, it would be reckless to give this power to an elected demagogue or half-wit. And let’s face it we have had a few.
Therefore, we need a counterbalance to the enthusiasm of politicians for being popular. Currently that counterbalance is a combination of an independent Bank of England and the Gilts Markets. Using the markets in this way is nonsensical – their motive is simple greed (and that is their job). So we will need a BoE v2.0 who have a mandate to: contain inflation, minimise unemployment, and enable the Govt to keep the population safe and happy. This BoE V2.0 would need to be solidly and constitutionally independent. This could be achieved by: a requirement for a 75% supermajority for any appointees to the Board of the BoE V2.0, combined with a similar 75% supermajority to change their remit.
The idea that the production of money should be left to democratically elected government, without checks and balances, fails to recognise the motivation of democratically elected representives to be reelected, and the influence on them by coprorates who will give them cushy jobs if they are not.
I entirely disagree.
I gave explained why in my alternative budget – see the PDF download shop.
I have downloaded your Alternative Budget – there is a lot of very interesting ideas in there. I will study it is detail, but at first glance I don’t see any explanation of how your government-controlled money supply would not be mismanaged by stupidity or nefarious actions by elected officials. The incentives are perverse. The power of the govt is such that it will eventually be abused.
I’ll assume that you would agree the UK is not a fully democratic country, due to first past the post, and the misaligned incentives of career politicians managed by corporations and the very wealthy.
To avoid the misaligned incentives of career politicians we could replace MPs with a citizens assembly chosen by lottery from volunteers, with one term of 4 years and 50% changed each 2 years. This is an approach which I think would create a Govt of the people by the people in a way that elections cannot. Although I accept it is a radical approach, were it to be deployed it would rely on an expert civil service – as we have now – to brief these representatives on their options. This technocratic support for representatives is necessary and I think the BoE v2.0 would be just such an expert advisor in Modern Monetary Policy. Admittedly the Board of this new BoE would be a very different set of people that the current one.
I accept that in scan reading I may have missed your explaination of why an Independent BoE v2.0 is not the right soultion to the problem of trusting a government with this power. But as I said I will have a closer look.
So what do you want instead of demcracy?
Please explain.
It had better be very good. I have little time for those who wish to overthrow it.
One of your best, Richard.
I’ve long asserted (to anyone who’ll listen) that understanding macroeconomics should follow the path of first understanding money, then banking to then be followed by teaching the prescriptive choices that are possible via macroeconomics/MMT in light of an unambiguous understanding of money and banking.
Thanks