This is one of a series of posts that will ask what the most pertinent question raised by a prominent influencer of political economy might have been, and what the relevance of that question might be today. There is a list of all posts in the series at the end of each entry. The origin of this series is noted here.
This series has been produced using what I describe as directed AI searches to establish positions with which I agree, followed by final editing before publication.
The subject of this essay is the eighteenth-century Norfolk-born moral philosopher and revolutionary reformer Thomas Paine. This is the result of a suggestion from my wife, Jacqueline, who felt his omission from this series was a mistake, as he fits into this project particularly well.
Paine was a contemporary of Adam Smith, with a very different career trajectory. He is a valuable bridge between moral philosophy and democratic economics as the thinker who insisted that political freedom is meaningless without economic security, and that the legitimacy of any society rests on its willingness to guarantee the dignity of the poorest.
Thomas Paine was one of the most radical minds of the eighteenth century. He was a man whose writings helped ignite the American Revolution, inspired democratic uprisings across Europe, and challenged the very foundations of monarchy, hierarchy, and inherited privilege. Yet Paine was not only a political revolutionary; he was also a visionary of economic justice. In Rights of Man and Agrarian Justice, he argued that true freedom could not exist in a society where people lacked the means to live decently.
For Paine, the greatest threat to liberty was the economic insecurity that made ordinary people vulnerable to exploitation, dependency and fear. Political rights, he insisted, are hollow when those who supposedly possess them are denied the material conditions necessary to exercise them.
Hence, the Thomas Paine Question: If political liberty is meaningless without economic security, why do we still pretend that freedom can exist alongside poverty, dependence and deprivation?
Freedom requires independence
Paine insisted that freedom was more than the right to vote or speak. It required independence, or the ability to stand on one's own feet, free from domination. A citizen who must beg for work, who fears starvation, or who lives at the mercy of a landlord or employer is not free in any meaningful sense.
He recognised that economic precarity breeds subservience. Those dependent on the goodwill of the wealthy cannot challenge injustice. They cannot refuse exploitation. They cannot speak truth to power. Paine therefore argued that the first duty of a democratic society is to protect its citizens from the vulnerabilities that make them easy to dominate.
The moral claim of the dispossessed
In Agrarian Justice, Paine proposed something astonishing for his time: a system of universal payments funded by taxing accumulated land wealth. He argued that land, as a gift of nature, belonged to everyone in common, and that private property in land was legitimate only if society compensated those who had been excluded from its benefits. That compensation was to take the form of a universal endowment for young adults and pensions for older people — a proto–basic income designed to secure dignity and independence.
This was not charity. It was justice. Paine believed that society owed its members the means to live free lives. Without such provision, he argued, the promise of equal rights was a fraud.
The challenge to inherited privilege
Paine's deepest critique was directed at systems that preserved wealth and power through inheritance. He saw hereditary privilege as the root of both political and economic inequality. Whether in monarchy, aristocracy, or concentrated wealth, inheritance created classes of people free from work and responsibility, while leaving others trapped in lives of drudgery.
For Paine, influenced as he was by his own involvement in the French Revolution, a society claiming to honour equality could not tolerate such arrangements. Wealth unearned and unaccountable was a threat to liberty because it conferred power without merit. Democracies, he insisted, must continually dismantle the structures that allow some to dominate others through inherited advantage.
Democracy as a social contract of care
Although Paine is often regarded as a champion of individual rights, he was equally a theorist of collective responsibility. He believed that the purpose of government was to secure the well-being of all, not merely to protect property. A society that left people destitute had failed its most basic duty.
Paine saw democracy itself as an expression of mutual care: citizens acting together to secure the rights and welfare of each other. Public provision was therefore not an intrusion on freedom but its safeguard. Taxation was not confiscation but the collective expression of solidarity.
Why Paine remains radical
Paine's relevance today is unsettling. He argued that liberty cannot coexist with inequality so significant that it denies people independence. He insisted that society has a duty to provide economic security to all. He proposed mechanisms designed for this economic era that would redistribute wealth from the fortunate to the vulnerable.
In a world of precarious work, low wages, unaffordable housing, insecure care, and extreme wealth concentration, Paine's claims are a direct challenge to the modern neoliberal order. They expose the contradiction of societies that proclaim freedom while tolerating conditions that render citizens powerless.
What answering the Thomas Paine Question would require
To take Paine seriously would require turning the rhetoric of freedom into a material reality. At minimum, that would demand:
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Securing economic independence, ensuring that every citizen has the means to live without fear or dependence through universal services, income support and public investment.
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Confronting concentrated wealth by taxing unearned advantage, inheritance, and rentier income so that power cannot accumulate without accountability.
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Recognising public provision as liberty-enhancing by treating health, education, housing, and care as the foundations of freedom, and not as optional expenses.
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Restoring democratic purpose, using government not as an umpire of markets but as the guarantor of equal standing and dignity.
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Embedding economic rights alongside political ones, acknowledging that rights mean little if people lack the capability to exercise them.
These are not reforms around the edges. They are the conditions of a democratic republic worthy of the name.
Inference
The Thomas Paine Question exposes a contradiction at the heart of modern liberal democracy. We celebrate supposed political liberty while maintaining economic structures that deny millions the independence required to make liberty real. Paine insists that freedom must be supported by material security, that rights must be backed by resources, and that equality must be sustained through public duty.
His challenge is as radical today as in the eighteenth century. If we claim to value liberty, we cannot maintain an economy built on precarity, rent extraction, inherited privilege, and structural insecurity.
To answer his question is to rebuild democracy on the foundations he set: freedom not as a legal fiction, but as a lived reality shared by all.
Previous posts in this series:
Previous posts in this series
- The economic questions
- Economic questions: The Henry Ford Question
- Economic questions: The Mark Carney Question
- Economics questions: The Keynes question
- Economics questions: The Karl Marx question
- Economics questions: the Milton Friedman question
- Economic questions: The Hayek question
- Economic questions: The James Buchanan question
- Economic questions: The J K Galbraith question
- Economic questions: the Hyman Minsky question
- Economic questions: the Joseph Schumpeter question
- Economic questions: The E F Schumacher question
- Economics questions: the John Rawls question
- Economic questions: the Thomas Piketty question
- Economic questions: the Gary Becker question
- Economics questions: The Greg Mankiw question
- Economic questions: The Paul Krugman
- Economic question: the Tony Judt question
- Economic questions: The Nancy MacLean question
- Economic questions: The David Graeber question
- The economic questions: the Amartya Sen question
- Economic questions: the Jesus of Nazareth question
- Economic questions: the Adam Smith question
- Economic questions: (one of) the Steve Keen question(s)
- Economic questions: the Stephanie Kelton question
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An important thinker and activist mainly ignored by establishment academia and media or only given grudging lip service.
Agreed.
I like this series.
At one point I thought you were running out of “questions” to write about but I was wrong. I think including Jesus and Tom Paine (not normally cast as economists) has invigorated the series.
Now there are 25 is there a book here?
These will, at the very least, become a PDF. We might also do an Amazon book.
Again, we see how wealth power likes to grab these sort of concepts as justification for themselves.
Paine is no outlier either – his challenge is in line with Greek critiques of democracy as well as people like Thomas Hobbes. In other words there is an alternative to what we have and it is well developed and refined.
And when the alternative is ignored, we have the right to ask why.
Agreed
Now, the Thomas Hobbes question?
OK.
Some pointers?
1. Hobbes was very realistic about human weakness and self destructive qualities in particular. Neo-liberalism’s sunny view about ‘rational self interest’ is far from that. Hobbes felt that the self- destructive urges needed to be balanced and managed for the good of all. He acknowledged the capacity for self destruction; Neo-liberalism does not.
2. John Gray thinks that Hobbes was the first real genuine liberal in that he understood that freedom was interlinked, inter-dependent and that individual freedom can go too far and deleteriously affect the freedom of others. Hobbes saw the job of the state to manage this problem, by managing society as judiciously and peacefully as possible. Thus was the workable tension between individual and the collective somehow achieved. It was statecraft for everyone so to speak.
So, I hope that helps, but I am just a working stiff, not a scholar of your level.
I was a late arrival scholar, even if well read before getting there, but so are you. You are too hard on yourself.
Another voice from the past.
Gerard Winstanley in the 1600s wrote:
In the beginning of Time, the great Creator Reason, made the Earth to be a Common Treasury, to preserve Beasts, Birds, Fishes, and Man, the lord that was to govern this Creation; for Man had Domination given to him, over the Beasts, Birds, and Fishes; but not one word was spoken in the beginning, That one branch of mankind should rule over another. And the Reason is this, Every single man, Male and Female, is a perfect Creature of himself; and the same Spirit that made the Globe, dwels in man to govern the Globe; so that the flesh of man being subject to Reason, his Maker, hath him to be his Teacher and Ruler within himself, therefore needs not run abroad after any Teacher and Ruler without him, for he needs not that any man should teach him, for the same Anoynting that ruled in the Son of man, teacheth him all things… And so selfish imaginations taking possession of the Five Sences, and ruling as King in the room of Reason therein, and working with Covetousnesse, did set up one man to teach and rule over another; and thereby the Spirit was killed, and man was brought into bondage, and became a greater Slave to such of his own kind, then the Beasts of the field were to him.”
He was a Quaker but also still involved in his parish church.
Thanks
… and then the John Ball question, “when Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?”
There has never been, so far as I know, a book written on the political economy of republicanism. Paine may be an excellent starting point, especially since he had a very public dispute with Edmund Burke, the supposed father of conservatism.
On Paine versus Burke, see Thom Hartmann, January 18, 2023, “Is the Reason Some Wealthy People Oppose Democracy Deeper Than We Think?”
https://hartmannreport.com/p/is-the-reason-some-wealthy-people
And here is a review of The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left By Yuval Levin • Basic Books • 2013
https://democracyjournal.org/magazine/31/paine-and-burke-now/
Thank you
[…] Cross-posted from Richard Murphy’s blog […]