The basis for a proper defence strategy

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I gathered from reactions to my comments on what Fiona Hill had to say about the UK defence review, which I posted here yesterday, that not everybody agreed with my opinion.

Let me be honest: I do not post here, or on YouTube, or anywhere else, to necessarily seek agreement. I post what I think to be honest comment reflecting my opinion, and I do so with the intention of contributing to debate on what it might be appropriate for politicians and others to do in response to situations that appear to exist in the world, as I see it.

Given that the topics that I pick to comment upon will, almost invariably, be those where I have already found a point of disagreement with some other commentator, it is unsurprising that some of the things that I say here might not resonate with everyone who reads the blog. That could, to some degree, be a reason for its success, even if it might also irritate on occasions.

On this occasion, I look at the world through a very different lens to that which Fiona Hill obviously uses. She chose to be an expert on Russia, and I am not doubting that we need them. Nor am I questioning her expertise on the issue. I have no reason to do so. But, if you make an expert on Russia one of three people to undertake a defence review, with the other two being heavily biased towards what might be called the traditional NATO view on defence, unsurprisingly you come out with a set of recommendations that reinforce the conventional view that Russia is the problem that we face, and Russia is where any threat might come from.

There are a very large number of problems implicit in this approach. Firstly, this particular Russian narrative is one that was developed during an imperialist era. That, after all, was the basis for the Cold War stand-off, and the continuing belief that this approach to international relations is necessary, and even appropriate, is commonplace only amongst those who are, in my opinion, very largely old men.

Trump and Putin are old men.

Starmer has an old man's mindset.

The thinking in question is all about power being imposed. This is not just between nations, but also within nations. So, whilst Fiona Hill showed awareness in the comments reported in the article to which I linked yesterday of the stresses within the UK, the defence review itself does not, in my opinion, do so. It was that incoherence that led to my comment, and my suggestion that underpinning this thinking was a right-wing mindset that prioritises control over all else.

I long ago rejected this idea of politics through control. To me, it belongs to another era. It has contributed to the two great conflicts of the 20th century. It was perpetuated throughout the second half of that century. The fact that it is still implicit in the defence review appears to me to be a serious error of judgement, and again, that is why I do not understand how Fiona Hill can apparently be aware of all these stresses within the UK, and yet not identify them as fundamental to defence strategy, and yet I cannot see her linking the two.

As far as I am concerned, defence is a meaningless concept unless some critical questions can be answered.

Firstly, the question of what is being defended has to be asked. The claim that this is a physical space is meaningless in isolation (and I will return to tis, below), unless it is assumed that there is top down control of the population in that place, who can then be coerced through force to defend the interests of those who are dictating that place's policy, whether they are a benefit to most of those living in that location, or not.

To put this another way, if defence is to win popular appeal, and in a modern era I think that is essential, then it has to be clear precisely what it is that is being defended so that sacrifice, in whatever form it takes, can be required of a population. This means that there has to be sufficient understanding of opinion within a jurisdiction to ensure that there can be coherence around ideologies that represent what is valued within the way of life of the country in question. It is these ideologies that are being defended.

Secondly, a necessary part of defence is, in that case, the creation of an understanding of how the ideology that is being defended cannot just be maintained, but be improved for the benefit of everyone in the jurisdiction, so that they might benefit from the sacrifices being made. Quite explicitly, this trade-off has to be understood. To be equally explicit, the manufacturing of a sense of fear of a remote aggressor is not a sufficient basis for mounting a defence policy. Instead, creating a sense of enhanced potential well-being is a necessary precondition for any defence policy to work. This appears to be absent from current thinking.

Thirdly, in that case, there is a need for a proper risk appraisal of where the risks of fundamental disagreement on ideology might arise with a jurisdiction, with their causes being clearly identified, and a means for their reconciliation being put in place. Doing this is a vital component of defence, most especially as we do have such stresses within the UK at present.

For example, poverty is a massive issue in this country.

In addition, the obviously apparent malfunctioning and even failure of the government is a cause of enormous strain.

On top of that, the political obsession with growth that has not delivered any increase in well-being to the vast majority of people in the UK for more than four decades is creating a distance between those who would command the defence forces, and the people that they might wish to recruit to serve in them, which makes any defence policy almost impossible to deliver.

It is the resulting failure to supply basic services to meet basic needs that is the most likely cause of most of the stress around migration in the UK. I do not think that most people who vote for right-wing political parties are racist, although I do think that those parties are, because they are seeking to use a racist interpretation of the failure of government to advance their own political agendas. What I do think is that people are voting against the failed extreme centrists who I described here recently, and it is only far-right wing political parties that are giving them much opportunity to do so, at least in England. The result is that at present we are a country of apparently irreconcilable differences, although I suggest that the same changes that are necessary to underpin a coherent defence strategy could also eliminate many of the differences causing domestic stress at present.

To pull these themes together, to pretend that the United Kingdom is at present a single entity in which there is sufficient commonality of view to demand the sacrifice that defence from a distant threat from Russia creates is, in my opinion, a work of fantasy.

For a start, it is not clear that the United Kingdom is even united. A majority of people in Scotland would like to leave the Union. Up to 40% of people in Wales are now expressing a similar opinion. It cannot be long before the same is true in Northern Ireland, where demographics make this almost inevitable within the next decade or so. In that case, at the most basic level, it is not even clear that there is a geographic space that can be defined as the place that is now being defended. That is how incoherent this defence review is. Until we know what this country is going to be - and we don't - we can't defend it.

And at an ideological level, people are aware, even if they have not developed the analysis to express it so bluntly, that they are living in a country where the prevailing ideologies of power have failed them. The promise that they were given that abandoning the protection of government to secure the benefits of free markets has very obviously created wealth for a few, and no enhanced well-being for the majority. Most people in the country now realise that. If you want a single explanation for the final collapse of the Conservatives, then this is it. In that context, Labour's desperate desire to take their place on the centre-right makes no sense as a result: they, too, are setting themselves up to fail by promoting something that does not work.

If this is the case, the defence review does not make any sense. It should have made clear that there is no agreement on what place is being defended.

Then it should have suggested how we can create an ideology around which the people of the country can cohere, and around which they can settle most of their differences, because most of their needs and at least some of their wants would be met. This is not an unreasonable objective.

That defence review should have recognised that unless these issues are resolved, we will not be able to find the necessary sense of identity to give us a role in international negotiation once more. We do not have that identity at present. People can sense that. It is obviously absurd that we have two empty aircraft carriers whose sole purpose appears to be to float around the Pacific Ocean. When the threats that we face are here and now, because people realise that their well-being is being prejudiced by the government that is claiming that they must make sacrifices in order to defend the status quo, in which they do not believe, the likelihood of acquiescence is low.

I do not dispute that we need a coherent defence strategy. But, and to return to my original point in this post, to promote that strategy on the basis of ideas that should have been consigned to history a very long time ago, makes no sense at all. And when those ideas are about maintaining hierarchies of power that appeared to be opposed to the best interest of most people in the UK, or each of its member countries, then I think it fair to say that the opinions in question represent imposed ideology of the type most commonly associated on the right wing fringes of politics, and we need to do very much better than that.


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