Sorting out the spend and tax cycle in modern monetary theory

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The post that follows is one of my ongoing series on thinking about what modern monetary theory (MMT) says and what I think it should say. Because it assumes a reasonable level of understanding of double entry and the working of central bank reserve accounts I summarise it here, first. 

As is commonly understood, MMT suggests that a government spends before it taxes. Unfortunately, as is now clear from the discussions that I have had with MMT exponents, that is not what MMT actually says in what I might call its 'creation narrative', which explains how it supposedly forces government-created money into use in an economy. In that narrative, tax comes first.

As I explain, however, spending does come first in practice. The problem is not with the conclusion MMT had to offer. The problem was with the explanation MMT uses.

However, what I think is a correct explanation (which I offer here, although I will be doing further work on it) does make clear that another MMT claim is unsustainable. In a modern economy, the claim that a taxpayer can only pay tax using government-created money is unsustainable, largely because government-created money does not exist in the private sector economy from which tax is usually paid.

The suggestion of this blog is, therefore, threefold:

  • The MMT 'money creation' narrative is unreliable and certainly does not sustain the claims that MMT proponents make based upon it.
  • MMT needs to reframe its thinking on the division between state and commercial bank money, taking into account the reality of the structuring and use of central bank reserves.
  • MMT needs to offer an alternative explanation of why spending must, at least usually, precede tax in a fiat currency economy.

The narratives within modern monetary theory (MMT) that I have been discussing over the last week or so have revealed a real problem for those proposing MMT in the way that its founders suggest

This is apparent from the cycle of tax and spend, as they relate it. The fiscal cycle is, in their opinion, as follows:

  1. A government imposes a tax by law for which the currency to make payment is not available.
  2. That government then require that people transact with it so that those people might acquire the currency that they need to make legal settlement of their tax liabilities.
  3. The government, in settlement of the contractual obligations arising from the sale transactions into which people have now entered with it makes payment into the economy to settle the liabilities that it now owes.
  4. The currency to settle the tax liability due now exists, meaning that it can be paid.

The problem for those who propose that MMT works in this way is that MMT is, if it is anything, an economic theory based upon the principles of double-entry bookkeeping. I suspect that Hyman Minsky and Wynne Godley would have agreed if they could have done so. Much of Stephanie Kelton's writing implies that is the case. But, in the narrative that I note above, tax very obviously comes first, and well before spending. It cannot be argued, as some in MMT debates do, that only cash flow matters. It is assets and liabilities, and income and expenditure, both expressed as debits and credits, that drive taxation. And in that case, the core MMT argument that government spending precedes taxation fails in this most basic narrative that MMT uses to explain the fiscal cycle. Tax comes first in it.

That is disappointing because the reality is that spending really does precede taxation in the fiat currency world that MMT describes. The actual ordering of events within the fiscal cycle is as follows, in my opinion:

  1. A government with a legal mandate to spend instructs its central bank to advance to it the funds required to make that expenditure.
  2. The government, then instructed central bank to make payment to whomsoever it wishes, passing that newly created money into the real economy, via the central bank reserve accounts maintained by a jurisdiction's commercial banks with its central bank.
  3. In response to the receipt of the instruction to make payment from the government the central bank transfer money that they have created for the government to the central bank reserve account of a commercial bank together with an instruction that they should forward a payment to whomsoever the government desires. The commercial bank in question will then create commercial bank money to make that onward payment. They cannot, and do not, pass on the central bank-created money that they have received. That is because all currency transactions through a bank are bilateral. By definition, that means that they only exist between the parties to them. No other party is ever involved. The mutual promises to pay are not, in effect, transferable. What they can, however, be is sequential. In other words, the creation of central bank money does sequentially result in the creation of commercial bank money, which is what the beneficiary of the payment from the government actually receives. The commercial bank balances its books on the transaction by matching the increased asset it holds in its central bank reserve account with the liability it now has owing to the recipient of the commercial bank money it forwarded on the government's instruction.
  4. To control the growth in commercial bank created money within the economy, which, as this explanation shows, is the inevitable consequence of its decision to spend, a government must tax. The tax imposed need not be on the person who was in receipt of the payment from the government. What is required is that the fiscal impact of an excessive supply of money be limited. Tax achieves that goal. But that tax need only be imposed after the spending has taken place. That liability can and should be the consequence of that spending, not its precursor. If it is instead the case that the tax is imposed before the spending takes place, then the government shrinks the size of the economy and reduces the capacity to pay. If it imposes the tax after its spend has taken place, this is not the case. As a result, tax takes place after spending, and not before it unless, that is, it is the deliberate intention of the government to withdraw excessive money supply from the economy, which could, for example, be the case in reaction to the creation of excessive commercial bank money. It is not a rational response to do so in reaction to the creation of government money. That is because to demand payment of tax from the economy before the government spends would inevitably and necessarily require that in time the commercial banks would have to effectively overdraw their central bank reserve accounts maintained with the central bank because there would have been insufficient deposits in them to fund the payments that they would be required to make on behalf of the customers to the government in settlement of tax liabilities. This is not an observed phenomenon in recent times, at least.

As a consequence, this is what I suggest is actually happening in the economy, day in day out.

In contrast, it is likely that no series of transactions of the type described by the founders of MMT has ever taken place. If they have, I suggest it was exceptional, and exceptions do not prove rules.

There is another commonly made claim by the founders of MMT, which the logic noted above proves to be impossible. MMT proponents usually say that tax can only be paid using government created money, by which they mean those funds created by the government to make payment into the economy. However, as the sequence of events noted above makes clear, the money created by the government to make a payment in settlement of its liabilities is described as base money, but this never moves beyond the central bank reserve accounts maintained by the commercial banks with the central bank of the jurisdiction. It does not, in other words, enter the private sector economy in which only commercial bank creative money is in existence.

The actual settlement of funds to the recipient of the payment from the government is always made using commercial bank create of money, with that commercial bank creating those funds on the instruction of the government, with assets backing for that payment being supplied by the base money placed by the government into the central bank reserve account of the commercial bank in question at the central bank.

When tax is paid, this process is reversed. The taxpayer will always, and necessarily, make payment of tax using commercial bank-created money because there is no government-created base money available to them in the private sector economy in which the taxpayer will operate (bank notes excluded, and these are not legal tender for this purpose in most jurisdictions, including the UK). The payment of taxes does, therefore, necessarily require the existence of both government-created base money in central bank reserve accounts and commercial bank-created money in the private sector economy from which tax payments are made. There is, however, no direct interaction between the two, and as such the claim that taxation is always paid using government-created money is only true to the extent that commercial banks complete the transaction to pay tax, which their customer has instructed them to undertake, via the central bank reserve accounts: all transactions prior to that final transfer will take place using commercial money.


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