The Treasury select committee has announced:

TREASURY COMMITTEE LAUNCHES INQUIRY INTO THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF TAX POLICY

In the last month, the OECD in Paris and the IFS in London have each published important reports into the fundamentals of tax policy.

The OECD reports that the tax system should distort economic incentives as little as possible and that "corporate taxes are the most harmful type of tax for economic growth, followed by personal income taxes and then consumption taxes, with recurrent taxes on immovable property being the least harmful tax."

The Mirrlees Review, published by the IFS, argues that the tax system should be considered as a whole with the benefit system, seek neutrality, and achieve progressivity as efficiently as possible.

The Office of Tax Simplification has revealed that there are over 1,000 reliefs in the UK tax system.

The Treasury Committee has decided to launch its own inquiry into the principles which should underpin the tax system, and invites written evidence on the following points:

* What are the key principles which should underlie tax policy? * How can tax policy best support growth?
* To what extent should the tax system be structured to support other specific policy goals? * How much account should be taken of the ease and efficiency with which a particular tax can be imposed and collected? * Are there aspects of the current tax system which are particularly distorting?

I feel a report coming on. The deadline is 12 noon on Friday 14 January 2011. That looks like Christmas is cancelled…..

 

The Mirrlees report claims – it was trumpeted from the platform at yesterday’s launch – that it was ‚Äòneutral’. It did not seek to raise new revenue, they said. They did not want to redistribute wealth, they said. They did not want to recommend rates, they said. And all this, they said, was a virtue.

What hypocrisy. The claim of neutrality is in this matter is absurd. And the last thing it represents is objectivity. It is a subjective choice, in the way presented by this team, to support the status quo. So they are saying tax rates are right, tax revenues are acceptable, the economy from which the tax is collected is properly ordered, and so on.

But this is again absurd. The tax system reflects that economy, and the economy that tax system. So if you suggest a change in tax base or tax you are not neutral, You will change the economy, you will by implication change the tax base and you will therefore change the tax collected. Any recommendation made is not, therefore neutral. In that case the claim to neutrality is obviously false.

But in the case of Mirrlees it’s not just false, it is also untrue. First they chose when undertaking their work – at least as they presented it yesterday – to ignore some things. They totally ignored inherited wealth in discussing savings, when they suggested all savings are just deferred consumption which smooth over a lifetime. This is very obviously untrue. So implicit in their neutrality was not just an acceptance of the current distribution of wealth in society, but a willingness to ignore its impact.

As they ignored it for example when they suggested that inequality in the UK results from differing access to work – and then ignored the fact that this is almost always the consequence of the accident of birth, and is becoming increasingly so. It was not neutral to ignore that – it was a conscious act to turn a blind eye to it.

And to then suggest that the amount of corporation tax collected should be reduced, as Steve Bond did, that the corporate tax burden should be shifted onto labour, as he did, and to suggest that much savings income should be entirely tax free, as he did, is not an act that is neutral. It shows a profound political (not economic, but political and subjective) bias to the political right, towards the interests of the wealthy and to the maintenance of a structure in society that preserves and in the case of this report enhances inequality in society.

Please don’t call that neutral. And don’t claim you’re objective when you do. Be blatant and say you’re promoting a profound right wing agenda. At least we’d then think you honest. But right now I can’t genuinely believe that of the Mirrlees review team because by presenting the case as they do what they claim and what they’re doing are inconsistent one with the other on the logic I present here. And that undermines their credibility.

 

I have found a redeeming feature in the Mirrlees recommendations.

They suggest the abolition of stamp duty on sales of domestic housing and the abolition of council tax.

And they suggested its replacement by a land value tax.

As far as I can tell this was the one coherent, progressive and logical moment of this whole morning and the only one that showed that the command of capital does create an obligation to pay a greater amount ion tax than those who do not share that extraordinary benefit.

I make the point deliberately: I am not being churlish about Mirrlees for the sake of it. I am being critical because most of what was said was logically inconsistent, ideologically driven and regressive in its nature, and I think, intent.

There is a strong case for an alternative review of taxation to counter Mirrlees from the left. And soon.

 

The Mirrlees report assumes that savings equal deferred consumption.

As such their whole approach to the tax of savings assumes that this is simply an issue of when to recognise income during a persons lifetime and so tax them.

Oh dear. Yet another false assumption. Our society does of course include many people who make savings with the view to undertaking future consumption – most especially through the saving of pensions. But this is a relatively small part of the overall savings market. The vast majority of people never undertake enough saving to accumulate any serious wealth. But serious wealth exists. And it is inherited, accumulated and largely unearned. This fact they utterly ignore.

But they do all they can to benefit those who own that wealth. They would like a system where all sums saved be exempt from tax. And that all sums withdrawn from savings be taxed. Because of the sheer absurdity of identifying what is and is not savings in this case they instead use this logic to argue that interest earned be wholly exempt from tax (a measure that in itself is, of course, designed, I presume deliberately, to increase the gap between the rich and the poor in this country by introducing a fundamentally regressive differential in the tax base).

Of course this looks fine in their model where there is no opening capital. But when there is opening capital – and massive amount of it – then the reliefs they suggest investment means that the capital of those who start the process with capital accumulates substantially faster than the capital of the person who has to save out of income alone. The differential can never be made up so divisions in society will increase. And I presume that is their intention. Because surely they did not fail to notice this?

 

The Mirrlees review has a number of assumptions on consumption taxes. The most important, it says, is that such taxes should only be charged on consumers.

It sounds so innocuous, doesn’t it? But think about it for a moment. What it is saying is this:

- No disallowable VAT for business. So, for example, banks should be able to recover all the VAT charged to them, which they can’t at present;

- No stamp duties for businesses – so no tax on their land dealings.

- The end of business rates.

- The end of taxes such as fuel duties, road fund licences and so much else to business.

No wonder business will like this. Here’s a massive boost for profits. This will redistribute enormously – a point they seem to utterly ignore thereafter in all their calculations on the distributional impacts of what they recommend.

Secondly, they argue that lower and VAT zero rates on necessities should be abolished – because they’re poor methods for redistributing. So let’s charge VAT on everything including food, water, reading materials, children’s clothes, and so much more. The argument is that redistribution can be better achieved through income taxes – a fact they do however assiduously ignore in their presentations on income tax where they do instead argue for a simpler profile of tax rates.

And they argue that in practice since over a lifetime income equals spending (again, indicating their willingness to entirely ignore the impact of capital ownership in the economy) so the fact that a low income household has a disadvantage in the VAT system they promote is not a problem because a) it will all work out all right in the end and anyway b) most low income households are only temporarily on low incomes – because they are students, for example – and so actually are living on their savings by choice and as such income is not a good guide to the capacity to spend.

I do seriously wonder whether these people have ever been out in the real world where people have no savings? I mean, one at all. Which is true of vast numbers of households in the UK.Not through any fault of their own – but because they do not earn enough to save – let alone make ends meet, week by week.

The callous indifference to this reality is staggering in the IFS proposal. And it is telling that apparently the only low income households they are aware of are students and the self employed having a dip in profits. That is all the presenter referred to!

Yes, I know they suggest some income redistribution to compensate for this extra VAT. I agree, that they do that. But there are conditions – not least being that a person qualifies and secondly claims. The VAT will apply to all. The take up of benefit claims is much lower.

As ever, the recommendations of this review are based on a false assumption – in this case the economist’s assumption that time is of no significance because the future can be discounted to the present in neoliberal thinking – and the complete lack of understanding of the reality of poverty in this country.

No wonder all rational people (using rationally as an indicator of wisdom rather than as an indicator of belief in neoliberal thinking) will see through the recommendations this report makes.

 

Amazingly, the opening presentation on the Mirrlees review this morning suggested that the fundamental cause of inequality in the UK is different opportunities for access to work.

Well, there’s no doubt that’s a factor. But this represents an extraordinary – and I suggest deliberate – blindness inherent in this review. Not once was it mentioned that one of the most obvious cause of inequality is the massive imbalance in the ownership of capital in the UK – and the impact that this has on opportunities to access work.

Is this simply the consequence of assuming that there is equal access to capital in some form of blind faith in the neoclassical model of economics –  which are a pre-requisite for the findings in this review?

Or is it a deliberate attempt to avoid the issue of the inequality of ownership of capital – which it seems throughout this review that they wish to ignore?

 

I am at the launch of the Mirrlees review on the future of the UK tax system.

Mirrlees’ fundamental assumption is that the tax system should be neutral. The report follows from this assumption, and this is its fundamental flaw.As they say:

Tax systems that distort people’s behaviour by treating similar activities differently without very good reason – as the UK tax system does – create inefficiency, complexity and opportunities for avoidance. Exceptions, to deal with the cost of smoking or pollution for example, should be limited and designed with care.

This is an assumption I reject. Tax systems are not neutral. They reflect the society that promotes them and the choices, political and otherwise they make.

There are five reasons for tax:

1. Raising revenue

2. Redistributing income and wealth

3. Repricing undesirable and desirable goods and services

4. Raising representation

5. Reorganising the economy

This, to me, seems obvious. There is no prospect whatsoever that a democracy can be run effectively without  embracing these ideas. There is no way an economy can be managed without recognising these aims.

The report is, from the outset, fundamentally flawed as a result.

Why ass this mistake mean made? Simply because this whole review is built on the bankrupt model of neoclassical economics. The assumption of neutrality is, of course, not neutral. It is a choice, and it is a choice based on three assumptions:

a. Government is bad;

b. Tax is bad;

c. The market is good.

So neutrality is actually an argument that the market must decide and governments, through the tax system, must not interfere with the market.

Of course they did not say that – so I will for them.

And they’re wrong. Markets are utterly dependent on governments for their survival – by maintaining property rights, by providing the regulation on which  all markets are utterly dependent, on bailing out market failures – whether of banks or by providing unemployment benefits, and by pricing externalities which the market is unable to do.

Mirrlees ignores – to a very, very large extent externalities bar (it seems smoking and the environment) and seems quite indifferent to the fundamental role of government in all other aspects of market behaviour.

The result is that this review is based on flawed assumptions – and everything it prescribes has to be viewed in light of that even when they seem useful.

 

I noted a report today that said:

The Office of Tax Simplification (OTS) has announced the recruitment of four private sector tax experts to help with its review of small business taxation in the UK.

Joining the existing members of the panel will be former HM Revenue & Customs officer and IR35 expert Kate Cottrell and Deloitte senior manager Thomas Byng.

BDO senior tax manager Partha Ray and PwC senior manager Caroline Turnbull-Hall will also help the OTS carry out its review, which will see the controversial IR35 tax legislation placed under the microscope.

Commenting on the appointments, John Whiting, tax director for the OTS, said: "I am delighted to have such an experienced team with their wide range of tax backgrounds in place and I am very grateful to the firms that have released them. "We are now getting going on our challenging task of helping to simplify Britain’s tax system."

And I thought “what the heck do this lot know about small business tax?”

Come on – who are they kidding? Deloitte, PWC and BDO are going to think about small business tax. When they have not one typical small business client between them, I suspect. What a farce.

Why not ask some small business experts to help. Wouldn’t that have made sense? To anyone but the Big 4 (who think BDO are small) of course it would. But to a PWC dominated exercise it’s anathema. So expect a complete cock-up as a result.

 

George Osborne has succeeded in introducing a 100% (or more) tax rate in the UK tax system.

For a parent of two children tipping over £44,000 of income there is not a single extra penny of benefit they can earn from the next £2,970 they earn. All will be absorbed in tax, NI, and lost child benefit.

Now I know that for 90% of people in the UK earnings of £44,000 are just a dream. But they’re also about the sum made to a great many middle managers. And now they have no incentive whatsoever to earn bonuses, take a promotion or improve their position, unless the jump is really big.

So George: keeping people in their place so that his friends can stay in theirs is exactly what this looks like. And I doubt that’s accident.

But what a damning indictment of a party that claims to promote personal aspiration.