commentator on this blog has said today in response to my suggestion that RBS be nationalised that:

the reason we find ourselves in the position we are, is because at the start of this crisis a simplistic approach was not taken, Harsh though it may be bad business should be allowed to fail.

May I reiterate a simple point? This may be true in the case of corner shops. It might even be true of retailers like Woolworth’s. And even much of the manufacturing Thatcher set out so callously to destroy. But if you let a major bank fail you ensure the following will result:

1) Massive cost to government to pay off depositors, certainly much higher than the cost of nationalising;

2) A domino effect of bank failure since banking is a system, not a series of unconnected companies, so one failure leads inevitably to other failures unless stopped by government support;

3) The failure of the bank payment system for individuals and companies that would be so disruptive that the entire retail system could fail for weeks  leading to the collapse of the food supply chain and much, much more besides;

4) The breakdown of normal constraints in society resulting in social chaos.

Of course it can be argued that banks should not be so big and integrated that this might happen. The reality is that they are. And  no one, least of all the current government that is taking no steps to address these issues, seems to have appreciated the risks that inaction creates even though this government, in particular, could be taking action now to address it.

So the comment made is, regrettably, naive and simplistic and would result in national disaster. Which is why it has to be ignored and like it or not any bank failing right now would have to be rescued.

Which does not mean for a moment that I then suggest that the rescue mean they be allowed to continue as now. That’s the last thing I suggest. Radical reform is needed – but nationalisation is simply the cheapest and most effective way to achieve that. Which is why I endorse it.

So, respectfully, to all those who say ‘let the banks fail’ – please either realise what you are asking for or be explicit that you are seeking to bring down the entire economy and in all likelihood democracy with it. Because that is what would happen if you had your way.

 

It’s been suggested to me that my suggestion that RBS be nationalised is wrong. The counter argument is that if nationalised the debts of RBS would belong to the state and have to be settled.

I disagree, profoundly, with this logic, and in each case because the logic used may seem just that i.e. logical, but it’s also fundamentally wrong.

First, RBS is already nationalised. We own 84%of it. But havign 16% in the private sector means we cannot take the steps necessary to exploit the assets of this bank for the public good. So we get all the down side and none of the up side. Taking it over would release the potential in it for good including utilisation of its existing platform as a means for ensuring stability in the supply of funding to business and as means for ensuring that the means of exchange continues to exist in a time of crisis.

Second, the idea that banks go bust without consequence is absurd. In the event of insolvency of a bank assets are much harder to recover; losses increase. Liabilities on the other hand are not so easy to write off. The state would have its interest as equity holder wiped out but would pick up the bill for deposit guarantees. So it would be worse off. In the meantime the loss to other banks on inter-bank lending would tip other’s over: the state would pick up moe liability as a consequence. And the business interruption of having a major bank fail would result in untold numbers of businesses failing (just the disruption, I stress, would be enough to do this when cash flow is very often very tight indeed). That would again add considerably to government cost. So the idea that such a bank could fail without cost to the government is just wrong.

And third, assets aren’t just those on the balance sheet. They are intangible ones too. They are networks of people (most importantly), organisation and procedures in place, being present in places, having relationships that work, and so much more. There is no doubt many banks will look like failing soon. Despite what was said yesterday in response to bank downgrades that’s a reality. But we have at this moment a choice: rebuilding from where we are or throwing out decades of investment that could with the right direction from the top of the political hierarchy be used as for the foundation for development.

We need banks. Banking is a good thing. I’m a big fan of it, I just have reservations about how it has been done. We need to ensure that all the positives of banking stay in place. If we let most banks that could go bust actually go bust modern western democratic society would fail. Let me as blunt as that. And I am a big fan overall of modern western democratic society – flawed again as I know some parts of it have become. I know of no better way of organising a way to live. It needs to jumpt to the next paradigm in its development so that it recognises the need to grow sustainably. But I want it to survie.

We can let banks go and watch society collapse with them. Or we can take them over and rebuild in the fashion we want. The second route is painful. The first is a disaster, or worse. And it so happens that in the lng run I don’t think we are all dead, and some of us will have to live through the transition anyway so I want the easiest route to the best possible outcome from the mess we’re in.

That means managing the process. Watching the world collapse around you may be the neoliberal way. The policy got us into this mess. We have a duty to manage our way out of it.

That means we nationalise banks.

 

Howard Reed is a man who’s judgement I trust. He’s written on this blog this morning, in response to my comments on RBS almost certainly needing another bail out:

I think if there is another large-scale UK bank bail-out then a lot of the British people will just conclude that the whole system is kaput… we could well face demonstrates that will make Occupy Wall Street look like an afternoon tea party (if you’ll pardon the expression).

I agree.

If the government does not realise that there must be a tipping point where people in this country are going to say enough is enough and that more bail outs for wealthy bankers working in a system that is both obviously failing and blatantly corrupt then their political antennae have failed.

The possibility of that arriving before Christmas is real. And Howard is right: this won’t be a few hundred demonstrating. The prospect of  massive coordinated protest is very high indeed. And it would be wholly appropriate if it happens because the government is continuing to refuse real reform by supporting a powerful and corrupt elite at cost to everyone else in this country, because that is what another bail out rather than nationalisation would mean.

 

 

Moody’s rating agency has just reported:

Moody’s Investors Service has today downgraded the senior debt and deposit ratings of 12 UK financial institutions and confirmed the ratings of 1 institution. This concludes its review of systemic support assumptions from the UK government for these institutions initiated on 24 May 2011.

The downgrades have been caused by Moody’s reassessment of the support environment in the UK which has resulted in the removal of systemic support for 7 smaller institutions and the reduction of systemic support by one to three notches for 5 larger, more systemically important financial institutions. According to Moody’s, announcements made, as well as actions already taken by UK authorities have significantly reduced the predictability of support over the medium to long-term. Moody’s believes that the government is likely to continue to provide some level of support to systemically important financial institutions, which continue to incorporate up to three notches of uplift. However, it is more likely now to allow smaller institutions to fail if they become financially troubled. The downgrades do not reflect a deterioration in the financial strength of the banking system or that of the government.

The rating actions include a one-notch downgrade of Lloyds TSB Bank plc (to A1 from Aa3), Santander UK plc (to A1 from Aa3), Co-Operative Bank plc (to A3 from A2), a two-notch downgrade of RBS plc (to A2 from Aa3) and Nationwide Building Society (to A2 from Aa3); and downgrades of one to five notches of 7 smaller building societies. The ratings of Clydesdale Bank were confirmed at A2 (negative outlook). As outlined in the May press release, we have reviewed the standalone ratings of all entities prior to concluding on the debt ratings. A separate announcement today covers the upgrade of the standalone rating of Co-Operative Bank to C- (mapping to Baa1 on the long-term debt scale) from D+ and earlier announcements cover the upgrades of the standalone ratings of Santander UK, Nationwide, Yorkshire, and Principality Building Societies.

On the day when a bail out of RBS looks necessary, and no one doubts it will happen, there’s a certain paradox in these comments and candidly I do not believe Moody’s claims. The reality is that these banks are weak and the capacity to support them is uncertain. That’s what’s really behind this.

The rest, as some say, is BS.

 

 

The FT warns this morning that there are widespread fears the the government will have to bail out RBS, again.

RBS passed the so-called European stress test in July, but that test failed to take into account the likely failure of Greek and other debt. Now that failure is likely and the EU is demanding new stress tests then RBS may well need new capital.

Well, if need be the state should supply it, but on a condition. This time the remaining private shareholders will have to be taken out of the equation. The current market capitalisation of RBS is about £14 billion. Candidly as part of the QE programme now announced the remaining private capital of this bank could be bought in by the government for what will in the context of that programme look like small change and RBS could then become a state owned bank.

What could it then do? It could firstly lend direct to the government and remove the costs of QE I wrote about yesterday.

Second it could lend straight to the small and medium sized business sector and so get rid of the need for Project Merlin and the ridiculous credit easing programme.

Third, it could the basis of the National Investment Bank we so desperately need.

Fourth, its own PFI assets could be cancelled – more than paying for the buy out in the long tern, and it could become the hub for a general PFI buy back programme.

Fifth, its investment bank and other arms could be spun off as a sign of things to come. Breaking up this bank may well cover the costs of buying it.

And please don’t tell me that this could not be done. Of course it can be done. Mervyn King says this is the biggest crisis the UK has ever faced. Not since the 1930s. Maybe ever. The normal rules are suspended – and we should say that’s the case in the current state of emergency. And those offended should just go and whistle. They got us into the mess. There is no way on earth they should be allowed to stop us getting out of the mess.

 

We’re going to have more quantitative easing. £75 billion of it.

Let’s be clear what that really means. In effect it means that the Bank of England buys in £75 billion of government debt and takes it off bank and financial institution’s balance sheets and puts it on its own.

At the same time of course the Treasury is issuing new debt to the same institutions because we’re running a deficit.

Over the four months or so over which the QE programme will run the amount of debt issued will be a bit less than the amount of debt bought in. So what the heck you might think is the point of this?

Good question. There are three reasons for the policy.

First the old debt bought in is at high interest rates. The new debt is issued at low interest rates. That might sound like a saving. But for the banks that sell the debt back to the government it’s better than that. The debt they sell back to the bank of England will result in a profit to them. Why? Well because the nominal interest rate on the debt sold to the Bank of England is higher than current gilt rates the price of that debt is inflated at present compared to the price at which it was originally issued to bring the real rate on the current price down to current rates. The consequence? Simply that selling this debt to the Bank of England delivers profit – and possibly quite a lot of profit – to the banks and finical institutions in question. You can imagine the result. It’s bonus time this Christmas in the City thanks to HM Treasury.

But what else happens? Two things. First QE succeeds in effect in supplying finance to banks at Bank of England base rate -so 0.5%. But the banks then in effect lend that money on to the Treasury at more than 3%. So hey presto, there’s another immediate source of profit to banks. More triple all round. And that is because the EU will not let the Bank of England lend straight to the Treasury that would cut out this margin for the banks. This rule, created when a failed banking system was not imagined. It’s time it went.

And what happens with all this extra cash the banks get? The hope was they would lend it on. but they didn’t of course. Far from it. Doing something so boring as providing banking services does not now occur to these organisations when it is so much easier to speculate, which is precisely what they do.

Last time they speculated in oil, commodities such as raw materials and food, forcing up prices in all of these because of the wall of money that was suddenly made available to speculate in these goods. We got inflation as a result. And this time because the Bank of England is really worried inflation rates will fall dramatically in the New Year because last year’s VAT rise will fall out of the system as will the effect of the first round of QE they really want to push prices up – and that probably explains why the amount of QE is bigger than expected. But that inflation is of course created by profits to banks. Real people will see their pay frozen, and that means this inflation suppresses real incomes, rapidly, unless you are a banker of course. So that’s another cause of celebration for the City. Nothing pleases them more than Ian increase in inequality in the UK and that is what we are going to get.

So what are the alternatives.

First, we should just get on with lending from the Bank of England to the Treasury and let the EU sue us in seven years time. This is a crisis. Maybe they should notice that.

Second, because banks will not lend this money into the economy the Bank of England should. since it hasn’t got a mechanism to do that it should buy out the small rump of RBS it does not own and use RBS for the purpose as a new National Investment Bank.

Third the most odious public debt – PFI debt – should be repurchased in preference to gilts. Let’s get rid of this odious debt for good and free future generations form real obligations.

Finally, let’s also simply spend the money into the system – by VAT cuts, giving pension increases, buy cancelling redundancies. This has real prospect of saving us from the mess.

But I’m afraid to say that this time QE looks like it is a policy made by bankers for the benefit of bankers. And that is the last thing we need right now.

 

A Robin Hood Tax – a financial transaction tax – is back on the agenda thanks to the EU, and rightly so.

I wrote about this in 2010 in a joint publication called ‘Taxing Banks‘. In it I set out the data supporting such a tax, estimated how much it would raise and suggested – contrary to the claim of bankers – that the charge would not end up falling on bank customers but on the banks themselves.

Nothing much has changed in the meantime – except the extent of regret at not acting sooner – so I offer the publication again now.

 

 

The FT has reported this morning that:

US tax authorities are targeting cross-border finance deals worth billions of dollars between leading US and UK banks as they step up efforts to clamp down on abusive tax avoidance, a joint investigation by the Financial Times and ProPublica, the not-for-profit news organisation, has found.

Four US banks – BB&T, Bank of New York Mellon, Sovereign (now part of Santander of Spain), and Wells Fargo – are in turn suing the US government over more than $1bn in tax credits that the Internal Revenue Service has disallowed over the past decade. Washington Mutual has settled a similar dispute and Wachovia is pursuing an administrative complaint over a deal.

The UK’s Barclays emerges as a pivotal promoter of the complex cross-border deals, which the IRS claims were designed to generate artificial foreign tax credits.

The cases have become a crucial early battleground between the US and multinational banks and companies in the wider debate over so-called tax arbitrage, and whether companies exploit gaps between international tax systems to benefit their bottom lines.

The best link to their analysis is here.

The deals were complex, deliberately structured, are claimed to be legal (which I don’t doubt) but arte being challenged because legal they may be, but tax credit loss generating they are not according to the IRS. Clearly I can’t decide that, but I have strong inkling they’re right.

I’m interested to note that not only were Barclays purveyors, at considerable cost to HMRC (so please don’t tell me there’s no tax gap now, or that it’s not much bigger then the paltry sums HMRC say it is when these deals alone are meant to have cost $800 million to HMRC – and that’s just one set of deals in one bank) but that KPMG are named as designers alongside them.

The analysis is all in the linked article. I won’t repeat it.

But what this does prove is three things:

a) The FT things tax avoidance is real

b) It thinks it is abusive

c) It thinks it is extraordinarily costly

d) It thinks it is deliberate

e) It thinks it can be stopped

I think all are important.

I rest my case.

 

The following story is in the FT today but has also been published under a Creative Commons licence by Propublica who co-authored it so I republish it with reference to their site, as allowed by them:

By Vanessa Houlder and Megan Murphy, Financial Times, and Jeff Gerth, ProPublica Sep. 25, 2011, 4:40 p.m.
This story was co-published with The Financial Times.

U.S. District Judge Patrick J. Schiltz of Minnesota is an educated man. He earned his law degree from Harvard, won a coveted clerkship for Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and taught the law for more than a decade before joining the bench in 2006.

But when Wells Fargo, the retail banking giant, and the U.S. Justice Department squared off in his courtroom last year over the legality of a fiendishly complicated tax scheme known as “STARS,’’ even Schiltz quickly realized he was not equipped to parse the facts.

“I fear I may finally have met my match,” the judge told the court. “We may need a translator in this case, someone who can help us to understand these complex transactions and understand the complex tax laws to put this into English for us.”

He is not alone. The growth of an arcane, intellectually demanding area of high finance that generated hundreds of millions of dollars for banks and multinational companies is being dissected from Minnesota to Washington, D.C., as the U.S. government pursues what it calls tax avoidance fueled by the use of artificial foreign-tax credits.

STARS – short for “structured trust advantaged repackaged securities” – were deals between U.S. banks and Barclays, one of the U.K.’s premier banks in London, that have come under particular scrutiny in bankruptcy, tax, district and claims courts.

At issue in the cases is whether the transactions had a legitimate business purpose or were designed specifically to generate improper U.S. tax credits.

Barclays emerged as a key player in creating strategies that worked asymmetries in tax systems. In the STARS deals in question, Barclays realized at least $800 million in tax savings from the U.K. government — benefits it shared with other parties in the deals, according to an analysis of U.S. court and Internal Revenue Service documents by the Financial Times and ProPublica.

Six U.S. banks — BB&T, Bank of New York Mellon, Sovereign (now a unit of Banco Santander), Washington Mutual, Wells Fargo and Wachovia (now a Wells Fargo subsidiary) — have been battling the government over tax credits they claimed through STARS. In one instance, government lawyers said STARS permitted BB&T to claim $1 in foreign tax credits for every 50 cents in tax, “grossly exploiting the tax laws.’’

BB&T, based in North Carolina, responded in court that it participated “to maximize profits’’ and not “to avoid or evade’’ taxes.

The U.S. banks all contend their deals had economic substance because Barclays provided them with billions in financing at below-market costs. But each arrangement involved a complex set of transactions, including creation of a trust and multiple subsidiaries, which also provided significant tax breaks.

The U.S. government, in recent court filings, contends that STARS was a highly complex tax-shelter transaction used by the U.S. banks to generate foreign tax credits. In court filings, government lawyers allege that the BB&T and Wells Fargo deals were a “sham.’’ In Wells Fargo’s case, they assert that STARS was designed so the U.S. bank’s “entire economic profit would be totally and exclusively sourced from U.S. foreign tax credits.’’

Wells Fargo says in court papers that its deal with Barclays was a lawful way to obtain reduced-cost financing for its ordinary business.

The U.S. banks involved in pending cases declined to comment. Washington Mutual has settled, agreeing in bankruptcy court last year to forgo $160 million in claimed tax credits. The other U.S. banks are seeking repayment for disallowed tax credits totaling more than $1 billion.

Barclays is not a party to the cases and declined to discuss client matters or comment on its U.K. tax savings. “Barclays complies with taxation laws in the U.K. and all the countries where we do business,” the bank said in a statement Sunday.

U.S. and U.K. tax officials also declined to discuss individual cases, saying it is forbidden by law. There is no sign that the U.K. authorities are challenging Stars deals, and the U.K. appears to have had a net tax benefit from them. One court filing by Bank of New York Mellon says: “Barclays’ transaction structure was reviewed by the U.K. taxing authority.”

Revelations about the deals arise amid a broader political debate about corporate taxes and the ability of U.S. companies to compete globally.

As the 2012 election year looms, President Barack Obama is facing direct challenges from Republicans about how best to reduce the U.S. corporate tax rate — at 35 percent one of the highest in the world — and why U.S. businesses hold an estimated $1.8 trillion in profits overseas.

The law allows U.S. corporations to defer paying taxes on profits earned elsewhere until they are brought home.

The STARS cases are a high-stakes battle for the IRS, particularly because the tax agency and the Treasury Department gave notice in 1997 that they would issue more regulations on foreign tax credits to curb “abusive tax-motivated transactions.’’ But the IRS and Treasury Department never issued new regulations and in 2004 withdrew the earlier notice.

Participants in the market say they believed the government was signaling then that it would not challenge such deals. So when the Treasury Department and IRS proposed new regulations in 2007 and the IRS began turning down tax credits, companies were caught unawares.

The STARS disputes have produced a vast number of court documents that offer rarely seen details about the world of tax arbitrage – deals that look to maximize profits by exploiting differences in countries’ tax systems.

More than three-dozen bankers, lawyers and accountants interviewed by the Financial Times and ProPublica would not speak publicly about transactions involving foreign tax credits, saying that to do so could jeopardize their jobs. But all characterized their work on such deals as legitimate and a sort of “cat-and-mouse’’ exercise: Revenue authorities would close a loophole, and financiers would look for another.

“Bankers looked on it as something to make money with. Young lawyers and accountants looked on it as a game,” one British lawyer directly involved in such deals said. “It is not hard to fool the parliamentary draftsmen.”

How the STARS deals worked

Foreign tax credits are designed in U.S. law to prevent double taxation of companies that do business overseas. Because U.S. companies are taxed on their worldwide income, they are allowed to claim a credit for taxes paid to foreign jurisdictions to keep their tax bills neutral.

But foreign tax credits have long been open to abuse.
In STARS cases, for example, the government contends that U.S. companies pursued “foreign tax-credit generator’’ schemes to take reap credits even when there was no double-taxation. The tax agency is also pursuing cases involving non-STARS transactions in which companies indirectly borrowed funds from a foreign bank and received tax credits.

Such deals have wound down because of investigations and enhanced regulation, and because the global credit crisis changed attitudes toward risk. But a look back at Stars reveals how the deals were born and the zeal of those financiers who have been – and continue to be – eager to push the boundaries of structured finance.

The U.K.-U.S. transactions were crafted with a certain degree of confidence and ease during the heady days of the mid-1990s, when financial firms on both sides of the Atlantic saw the potential for savings, said one participant.

“The U.K. equivalent of a foreign tax-credit generator scheme was a partnership deal,’’ he said. “What the U.S. calls foreign tax credit, we call double tax relief. What made the U.S.-U.K. deals so attractive were the English language, a foreign tax-credit system and the rules-based legal system.’’

Court documents and a IRS legal analysis of one transaction reviewed by the Financial Times and ProPublica show STARS deals generally work like this:

A U.S. bank transfers several billion dollars in income-producing assets to a trust and sets up a subsidiary as trustee in Britain. The bank sells shares in the trust to Barclays, but promises to buy them back after a set number of years.

Barclays agrees to provide financing to the U.S. bank for less than the bank’s normal cost of credit, and it routes the money through the trust.

The banks say this structure at its core is simply a low-cost, secured loan. But the IRS says STARS went too far, creating a circular set of transactions that are principally designed to generate artificial tax benefits.

The U.S. bank’s trustee pays British tax on the trust earnings and claims a corresponding U.S. tax credit. Barclays pays some tax as well, but the arrangement also allows the U.K. bank an even larger tax benefit.

That’s because Barclays shares give it rights to nearly all the trust income, which it is required to immediately reinvest in the trust. Barclays can deduct this reinvestment as an expense, reducing its U.K. taxes.

Barclays used part of the tax savings to discount the U.S. banks’ borrowing costs and kept the rest. In court filings, BB&T calls this discount an “offset,’’ while government lawyers call it a “kickback’’ from Barclays. When the deal expires, Barclays is repaid in exchange for the trust shares.

The STARS deals varied, but Barclays’ financing was always attractive. Sovereign says Barclays offered a loan as much as 3.35 percentage points below normal cost in 2003. BB&T received $1.5 billion at 2.9 percentage points below normal cost in a five-year deal that began in 2002.

Wells Fargo, which received $1.25 billion at 2.50 percentage points below normal cost in 2002, told Judge Schiltz that the Barclays deal saved it “millions of dollars in interest expense each year.’’

Other financial firms also participated in structured finance deals. Barclays is presented in court files as the pivotal marketer of STARS to U.S. banks.

Court documents show Barclays worked at times with the global auditing firm KPMG; in one case, KPMG, the accounting firm Ernst & Young and the law firm Sidley Austin are described as having been involved in the design, development and marketing of the transaction. None of the three firms is the focus of an IRS challenge, and all declined to comment.

In the past decade, Barclays was known for a bold approach to tax arbitrage. The British bank’s structured-finance team was considered among the most aggressive of international moneymakers.

Its Structured Capital Markets unit was led in the 1990s by Roger Jenkins, whose focus on corporate tax planning reportedly made him one of London’s highest-paid bankers. Iain Abrahams, who joined the investing arm of the bank in 1995, was considered the wizard behind the deals, according to a half-dozen people who worked or did business with him.

Abrahams remains a senior executive at Barclays Capital; Jenkins left in 2009. The government is seeking depositions from at least seven Barclays employees, court files show. The bank would make no employee available for an interview. Jenkins also declined to comment.

‘It became a cozy world’

The IRS – and some of its counterparts elsewhere – was unaware for years that banks and other financial firms were relying so heavily on foreign tax credits, bankers and officials said in interviews.

American International Group, better known as AIG, is characterized as a pioneer in structuring transactions with foreign tax credits, arranging deals as early as 1993, according to court documents.

At the helm of its development unit was a young Joseph Cassano, the same financier who headed the AIG finance unit that imploded in 2008. Companies such as Hewlett-Packard, the global technology giant, also engaged in the transactions. Banks were the most frequent partners.

His lawyer, Joseph Warin, said in an email that Cassano would not be interviewed.

A turning point came in the late 1990s when banks realized they could do deals with each other. Knowledgeable senior bankers said they were eager to move away from corporate customers, who were less adept at structuring complex deals.

“It became a cozy world,’’ said one. “You are dealing with your friends. You chat together, play golf together and move around each other’s institutions.”

Over time, the sharp reduction in interest rates encouraged much bigger deals to create the same tax benefits. In the early 1990s, the deals were totaling $150 million to $200 million; by 2003, they were 10- to 20-fold bigger, said two experienced bankers who were active in the market.

Banks also copied each others’ deals. “It was just like the credit boom,” said one prominent financier. Accountancy and law firms were involved, according to marketing documents and court papers reviewed by the Financial Times and ProPublica.

The authorities tried to catch up. In 2004, the U.K., U.S., Canada and Australia formed a Joint International Tax Shelter Information Centre to curb abusive tax transactions. Soon after, the IRS was alerted to questionable transactions by its British counterparts within Her Majesty’s Revenue & Customs Office.

The U.K. later passed measures that caused a “large portfolio’’ of AIG transactions in Britain to be terminated, according to public filings. The U.S. began its own investigations and was helped by the international effort.

The joint tax center uncovered multiple cases that might have affected the U.S. tax base. The IRS was told about “things we would never have picked up or would have been picked up years down the road,” IRS Commissioner Mark Everson told the Financial Times in 2005.

By May 2006, he informed the Senate Finance Committee that the IRS was “aware of 11 structured financing transactions with an estimated $3.5 billion at issue.’’ Not long after that, the IRS began denying STARS tax credits. In 2008, the IRS noted in a memorandum that foreign tax-credit deals had caused a “significant drain on the U.S. Treasury.’’

Bankers and advisers say that tax-driven structured finance is now a fringe activity. Bill Dodwell, head of tax policy at the auditing firm Deloitte, said that in the current financial climate, “I don’t think aggressive planning will come back seriously for years and years.’’

Dave Hartnett, permanent secretary for tax for Her Majesty’s Revenue & Customs in Britain, sees closer cooperation among tax authorities as helping to quell the deals. But they also recognize the market forces at play, he said.

“There has been increased tax transparency from many banks,’’ Hartnett said. “But have foreign tax-credit generators been closed down completely? No, I don’t think so.’’

The international task force, he says, is still “busy exchanging information.’’

Related story: Government Claims AIG ‘Gamed the Tax System’
Vanessa Houlder covers taxation and Megan Murphy covers investment banking for the Financial Times in London. Senior reporter Jeff Gerth is in Washington, D.C.

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