A commentator on this blog said yesterday:

Great idea in theory to legislate against bankers bonuses, I’d even support it. While we are about it perhaps we could could also legislate against footballers pay too.

However, in practice it is not so easy. It is very easy to sit on the sidelines and scream “legislate” without having to be the person who has draft and sign off such laws. Hell, if it was so easy to just legislate for everything (and do it properly and effectively) we would not have people calling for the adherence to the spirit of tax laws instead of the letter.

Sorry – but that just does not cut the mustard. It’s quite possible to create massive obstacles to high pay in banks and football clubs come to that. I addressed the issue in Taxing Banks, as follows:

The bonuses paid to bankers are controversial. The salaries they pay to most of their staff are not.

Bonuses paid to bankers can be addressed in a number of ways. The UK has announced a scheme to do so by whereby a 50% tax charge is made on a bank paying any bonus in excess of £25,000 to a banker during a limited period of time ending in April 2010. Originally forecast to raise £550 million in revenue on the assumption that this would have a significant impact on the bonuses banks would pay, the anticipated yield now runs to several billion pounds as it appears bonus payments have been little altered as a consequence of the tax charge[1].

President Obama’s levy on banks appears to be a specific response to onuses he calls “obscene”[2].

Neither issue does, however, address the systemic issue relating to banker’s bonuses or the taxation issues flowing from them: the UK measure is specifically a one off charge and the US charge is unrelated to pay, although it is hoped (without obvious reason for expectation being fulfilled based on the evidence of reaction to the UK charge) that it may reduce the banks’ capacity or willingness to pay bonuses.

A systemic tax response seems significantly more appropriate. In this context it is important to note that investment banks have historically set aside at least half of their net revenue to pay employees[3]. This immediately suggests the obvious solution to this problem. The reality is that in most businesses profits are a residual. Broadly speaking profit is calculated as revenues less costs, which the entity seeks to minimise and which it should pay at the lowest rate available if the organisation seeks to profit maximise, leaving a net benefit (it is hoped) for shareholders. It is obvious that the bank remuneration model does not accord with this standard economic principle of the economic behaviour of firms. For investment banks, in particular, employee costs would appear to be the return that is maximised. What distinguishes these banks from other service based suppliers is that their business model makes the employees profit participants ahead of shareholders in the distribution of the resulting rewards distribution. This is the only explanation for banks continuing to pay bonuses in preference to shareholder returns, as has become commonplace[4]. In that case though, and given that these rewards do not appear related to employment cost but revenue generation , it is apparent that banks effectively see themselves as having two classes of equity provider , one of which is shareholders and the other is senior employees, with the latter having higher claim on profit distribution than the former.

In that case banker’s bonuses appear to be akin to profit distributions, not wage payments. Whilst the base level of salary paid by banks to those enjoying the bonuses causing concern might be consider remuneration for labour services, the bonus pools are not. In that case it would appear logical that they are treated as if they are profit distributions for corporation tax purposes (even if not for the purposes of other taxes, where treatment as remuneration remains appropriate, guaranteeing as it does appropriate payment at source).

The consequence of treating these payments as profit distributions is that they would not then be offset against corporation tax profits, so increasing the level of those taxable profits (possibly quite considerably given that half of total sales are supposedly distributed as remuneration to staff, much as bonuses now not tax allowable). A significant increase in corporation tax payments due by banks would result, subject to the anti-avoidance issues with regard to that tax already noted above.

Setting the level at which corporation tax disallowance would arise would be important to ensure this measure would be effective. This cannot be based on contractual issues determined by the bank and its staff. For example, if only bonuses were disallowed these would be rapidly recategorised. Likewise if only remuneration paid in cash were so categorised other forms of payment would be used. In that case an absolute limit has to be set. A ratio to median earnings in the location in which the bonus was paid would seem most equitable for this purpose, fulfilling in the process the aim of tax to both reprice undesirable transactions and to redistribute income. It is suggested that all remuneration charged in a period in excess of ten times median earnings of the jurisdiction in which they are recorded be disallowed for this purpose. In the United Kingdom this would at the time of writing mean that any remuneration paid to a bank employee in excess of approximately £210,000 per annum would be disallowed for corporation tax purposes.

It has recently been reported that Goldman Sachs’ 32,000 employees might enjoy average bonuses[5] of £380,000 for 2009. Assuming a base level of salary of £100,000 each on average (and this is an assumption) this might suggest tax disallowance on this basis of about £270,000 each or £8.6 billion in all. At the UK corporation tax rate of 28% (which approximates to the OECD average as noted in section 3, above) of 28% this would raise total revenue of about £2.4 billion (US$3.9 billion) for this one bank alone. This policy is recommended for this reason.


[1] http://online.wsj.com/article/BT-CO-20100115-708527.html?mod=WSJ_latestheadlines accessed 21-1-10

[2] http://www.bostonherald.com/business/general/view/20100114obama_seeks_tax_on_banks_calls_bonuses_obscene/

[3] http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE60I53X20100119 accessed 21-1-10

[4] http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/news/big-bonuses-at-citigroup-despite-huge-losses-1873109.html ACCESSED 21-1-10

[5] http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2010/jan/18/goldman-delays-bonus-news-supertax accessed 21-1-10

Problem solved, I say.

 

I had a series of depressing meetings yesterday, the overall conclusion of all of them being that double dip recession, or depression, is certain.

But the most interesting incite was about the reason for the Tory hurry to rebalance the economy in such haste when it is so obvious that massive damage will result. Apparently this reflects a widely held view in Tory and banking circles that the next major financial crisis is in 2014 and the government’s books have to be back in shape by then to ensure we can bail out the banks at that time.

There are two problems with this analysis. First the crisis will have happened well before then. 2012 seems likely after deflation emerges next year and asset values collapse. Second, if that’s really the concern then it’s the banks who need to suffer now, not the rest of us.

 

As the FT note:

The coalition government does not plan to legislate to rein in bankers’ bonuses, urging the industry instead to regulate its own pay to regain public trust and lend more to support the economy.

“If people see that lending has not picked up, they will say, how can they justify those bonuses,” Mark Hoban, the new financial secretary to the Treasury told the Financial Times ahead of a speech to the British Bankers’ Association. “People want to see that the banking sector is all in this together.”

Does he really need to be reminded that there is not one other person in the UK who believe that bankers will do as he asks?

Bankers don’t care what other people think. When will he realise that only legislation will break this tyranny?

 

One last comment from Hansard on yesterday’s debate on the tax gap, where the following was said as the debate concluded:

John McDonnell: This has been a helpful debate. I leave the Minister to the savagery of Richard Murphy’s blog.

Thanks John!

 

From Hansard yesterday (edited):

John McDonnell: The debate was about how to resolve the deficit that has arisen as a result of the credit crunch and the economic crisis that we face. Clearly, the division was around the level of reductions in public expenditure required and the time scale for their implementation. There was fierce debate about the level of public expenditure decreases and their implications for jobs losses, cuts in services and the impact on communities.

What was absent from the debate was a discussion of increasing tax revenues as an alternative to cuts. Everyone appreciated that the deficit needs to be reduced. There was some agreement, even across Benches, on some cuts, particularly with regard to ID cards and, perhaps, Trident. With regard to cuts in education and welfare benefits, however, there were strong differences. We need to look again at tax avoidance and evasion. There has been confusion about definitions in previous debates. Tax evasion is defined closely as the illegal non-payment or under-payment of taxes, usually resulting from the making of false declarations, or from no declarations of taxes to tax authorities, and can result in legal penalties. Tax avoidance is seeking to minimise a tax bill without deliberate deception, but contrary to the spirit of the law.

The difference is clear with regard to legality and illegality. The technical implementation of tax legislation can be complex, so people can misunderstand which side of the fence they fall. During earlier debates in the House, the Denis Healey quote was cited that the difference is a prison wall. The implementation of measures to tackle tax evasion in particular is critical to the sound management of public finances and, obviously, to probity in the management of tax resources.

I investigated various sources in my search for estimates of the tax gap. The latest HMRC estimate that I could find was £40 billion, but there is an element of uncertainty reflected in a reported memorandum circulated to staff in HMRC and the wider Treasury, asking people to come up with ideas for identifying and calculating the gap.

The HMRC estimate has been challenged by others. I chair a group called the Left Economics Advisory Panel, which brings together a number of Left economists including some who have been working with the Tax Justice Campaign. Over the years many Members will have worked with Richard Murphy and John Christensen, who are held in respect across parties because of the work they have undertaken in this sphere, and the advice that they have given to the Treasury and other organisations for a number of years. According to their estimate over the past year, the tax gap could be anything between £70 billion and £120 billion.

From which point on, much of the ensuing debate seemed to focus, quite heavily, on the issues I have raised over time and with which many readers of this blog will be familiar.

I am grateful for the time devoted to that discussion by so many MPs: I can only quote in small part what was said. John McDonnell was not the only MP to support my work, or the support I have given to those who think making thousands of revenue staff redundant at this time quite illogical.

The following observation was wise:

Dr John Pugh (Southport) (LD): Should we not recognise that tax avoidance and tax evasion are two very different things, and that although we can make a rational guess as to the extent of the former, tax evasion that is successful is not detected at all and therefore any estimate of it must be highly speculative?

But that does not mean that the HMRC estimate, suggesting there was just £1.1 billion of personal tax avoidance can be anywhere near in the right region.

This was also insightful:

Andrew George (St Ives) (LD): I congratulate the hon. Gentleman both on raising the issue and on the manner in which he is doing so. He has made it clear that he has raised it under two Governments. Putting aside the tribal aspects of the debate, I agree that we need to bear down on this issue, and I have asked parliamentary questions on evasion and avoidance that are due for answer today. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that it is to be hoped that once we understand a great deal more about this issue, we will be able to close the loopholes, and address other issues such as where Treasury officials go and work after they leave the Treasury?

He hit the reason fro doing this work fairly and squarely on the head. As John McDonnell put it:

I am trying to come at this from a straightforward administrative perspective, asking how we can arrive at a situation in which HMRC will report to the House—to the Chancellor of the Exchequer—on the extent of evasion and avoidance and the measures that are going to be pursued. The reason why I am making a link to the changes in tax measures is that I want there to be a time limit, so that we get a report back to the House; otherwise, this situation will continue year after year.

But the Tories didn’t get it. John Redwood showed either complete ignorance or complete contempt for the issue – seeking to claim that ISAs are tax avoidance. I will not address the obvious error in his remark – presumably made to hide the avoidance activities he’d rather not have highlighted – John Christensen at TJN does it well here.

John McDonnell showed complete understanding of the issue in contrast:

That is an interesting point. Tax compliance should be a duty in law, so there should be a requirement on us all to pay our appropriate level of tax. Tax planning is perfectly consistent within the law and is appropriate for individuals and organisations in order to ensure that they pay the appropriate tax. However, such devices should not be used to avoid paying the rightful level of tax and certainly should not be used for the purposes of tax evasion, which is the illegal avoidance of tax.

So did Stephen Timms, who asked this of John Redwood:

Stephen Timms (East Ham) (Lab):  The question is this: does he deprecate any tax avoidance, or is he saying that as long as it is strictly in compliance with the law, anything goes? As he knows, there have been some very ingenious, and indeed expensive, schemes used by companies to avoid paying tax, clearly contrary to the spirit of the law but arguably in compliance with the letter of the law. Does he not deprecate that kind of activity?

Mr Redwood: I do not want to get drawn into the moral issue of deprecating or not deprecating.

I’m sure you’d rather not Mr Redwood.

And as Stephen Timms had to respond:

Stephen Timms: The right hon. Gentleman is uncharacteristically abusing the English language. To say that something that is explicitly provided for in the law is tax avoidance is not what most people mean by the term.

The reality is that the term tax compliance – whether used or not – is now clearly being understood, which is good news.

And, although Stephen Timms made it clear he did not agree with all my work on the Tax Gap – he made clear he sympathise entirely with the substance and that Redwood’s old approach is just wrong saying:

Having listened to the arguments put forward by the right hon. Member for Wokingham (Mr Redwood), I imagine that he would be opposed to that initiative [a report to parliament on the Tax Gao], because he would feel that it should simply be a matter of asking, “Are you or are you not complying with the letter of the law?” and that, if a problem arose, the Government should legislate to close the loophole. The problem with that approach is that we can get into an arms race, as we have certainly done on many occasions, in which the Government and Parliament agree on changes to the law and everyone knows perfectly well what they mean, but the banks then commission ingenious accountants to find ways round the spirit of the law, even though the letter of the law is being complied with. If we were to stick with the approach for which the right hon. Gentleman is arguing, Parliament would then have to close the loophole, perhaps a year later, and the circle would continue to go round. He made an interesting case, but we have to find a way of breaking that vicious circle, because huge amounts of money are being spent by taxpayers and by HMRC, and, in the end, nobody benefits.

Quite correct.

So what of the minister – David Gauke. He proved he has read this blog – assiduously. I am grateful. No wonder traffic is so high at present. But unfortunately all he picked up on were the minor points relating to double tax relief on corporation tax – affecting a tiny part (at most) of a £120 billion tax gap. Like many others on the right he seems more intent on analysing one sentence I wrote in The Missing Billions than actually addressing the issue. It’s nice to find my work is subject to as much linguistic analysis as a Jane Austen novel – but the tax gap remains despite this diversion of effort. But there is a positive outcome as he said in conclusion:

The hon. Gentleman is right to hold Ministers and HMRC to account in regard to how we seek to reduce the tax gap. The Government are taking the matter seriously, and, in the spirit of transparency in which we operate, we will provide as much information as we can so that our debate is as well informed as possible. In the light of that assurance, I hope the hon. Gentleman will accept that the amendment is not necessary and will withdraw it.

John McDonnell welcomed that, saying:

I think that the debate has been helpful to Members on both sides of the Committee. An attempt has been made to get out of the trenches, and to engage in a wide-ranging discussion of how we can proceed in a pragmatic way. I believe that this will become one of the key issues that people will expect us to address as the economic crisis continues. If they see public expenditure cut so that their local schools are not refurbished, and if they see a tax on welfare benefits, they will expect us at least to maximise the revenue from the tax that people and organisations should be paying. Justice and fairness in the taxation system will become critically important to more and more people.

He is right.

He continued:

I welcomed the Minister’s statement about the continuation of, and consultation on, the commitment to the anti-avoidance rule, but I hoped that at some stage a future report from Government would enable us to engage in a wider debate on how we could install in legislation the duty to comply more simply and effectively. As my right hon. Friend the Member for East Ham (Stephen Timms) pointed out, the issue that arises time and again is the ingenious use of devices to avoid the spirit of the law. In other contexts, we draft legislation in such a way that when a device appears it can be seen to be a device, which is patently against the spirit of the legislation and whose effect can therefore be outlawed. I also welcomed the wider debate on the anti-avoidance principle to be installed in legislation.

Again he is right.

And I am at the same time delighted and a little humbled that this blog  and the work I have done has helped highlight this key issue in our economy at this time. I do not think the matter will go away. And In do hope that as Stephen Timms said:

There is debate about whether the £40 billion figure is correct. I believe that HMRC did a serious and careful analysis. I also think there should be more discussion with people like Richard Murphy. I believe his figure for the tax gap on corporation tax was about £12 billion‚Äînot vastly more than the £9 billion or so in the HMRC figure. Richard Murphy also makes the point that there is uncertainty‚Äîperhaps more uncertainty‚Äîabout that figure than some of the others that he estimates. Continuing discussion between people such as the tax justice campaign and HMRC is important so that we make these figures as accurate as possible. I very much hope that the Minister will confirm that it is his intention regularly to update the analysis that has been published, to be frank and robust in publication and to discuss the issues with the tax justice campaign, which takes a different view, and the TUC, which has also taken a close interest. Ultimately, it is in everyone’s interest to have the best possible information available. I hope that the Minister will reassure us on that.

The minister did, almost. And he would not have done but for the work of the Tax Justice Network, TUC, PCS and others – and I guess this blog. That’s called “a result”, I think.

 

From Hansard yesterday:

Stephen Timms (Shadow Minister): My hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington was right to pay tribute to the work of Richard Murphy and the tax justice campaign. I want to pay particular tribute to Richard Murphy for developing, and first arguing for, the idea of country-by-country reporting. We are debating the avoidance, and indeed evasion, of corporation tax, and of course, that is a matter not only for the UK but for developing countries on a large scale as well. Richard Murphy was the first person to argue that companies should report, on a country-by-country basis, the profits that they make in each country and the tax that they pay in each country, so that everyone can see if there is a mismatch between the two.

The previous Government supported that call, and I am pleased that the OECD is taking the matter up. I think that we are now going to see some progress on that front, thanks to Richard’s efforts. I note from his blog that he has been on the receiving end of some unwarranted online harassment recently on account of his work. I certainly wish him well in what he is doing.

In response this from David Gauke, the Minister:

The right hon. Member for East Ham referred to country-by-country reporting, and we continue to consider whether there is a practical way forward in that regard. If we are to have country-by-country reporting, however, double taxation relief becomes all the more important.

Which I am afraid shows just how little he understands the point. Country-by-country reporting and double tax relief are related points, but full disclosure provisions have already been developed for double tax relief in accounting – and which my work in The Missing Billions has taken into account. As such this was cheap point scoring and not a serious contribution to debate, unfortunately.

 

The Finance Bill is being debated in the Commons today and three amendments that I know are on the agenda for debate are:

Amendment 11 (to Clause 1)

Clause 1 amends the main rate of corporation tax for the financial year beginning 1 April 2011 and sets it at 27 per cent for companies with profits other than the ring fenced profits of North Sea oil companies.

Amendment 11 seeks to ensure that this shall not have effect unless the Chancellor of the Exchequer has laid before the House of Commons a report on the extent of avoidance and evasion of corporation tax and on the measures he proposes to take to ensure the payment of tax which is due.

Amendment 12 (to Clause 2)

Clause 2 and Schedule 1 both change the rates at which capital gains tax (CGT) is charged. This replaces the single rate of 18 per cent for all gains (with gains qualifying for entrepreneurs’ relief being reduced to deliver an effective rate of 10 per cent).

Amendment 12 states that Schedule 1 shall not have effect unless the Chancellor of the Exchequer has laid before the House of Commons a report on the extent of avoidance and evasion of capital gains tax and on the measures he proposes to take to ensure the payment of tax which is due.

Amendment 10 (to Schedule 1)

Likewise, Amendment 10 inserts a requirement that the Chancellor of the Exchequer must lay before the House of Commons a report on the implications of aligning rates of capital gains tax with rates of income tax.

The amendments have been tabled by John McDonnell MP who has been kind enough to reference my work in support of them.

 

Andrew Lansley is spearheading the Tory attack on the NHS.

In January the Telegraph had an article on who funded his private office.

John Nash, the chairman of Care UK, gave £21,000 to fund Andrew Lansley’s personal office in November.

Mr Nash, a private equity tycoon, also manages several other businesses providing services to the NHS and stands to be one of the biggest beneficiaries of Conservative policies to increase the use of private health providers.

It is the first private donation registered with the Electoral Commission by Mr Lansley since 2001 and it is not clear why he accepted the money just months before a general election. Although he will not profit from the donation, it will help bolster his political profile.

Care UK provided services for 500,000 people last year, working with all ten Strategic Health Authorities and one in three Primary Care Trusts. It runs hospitals, NHS Walk-in Centres, GPs’ practices and care homes. It currently runs 59 residential care facilities with 3,400 beds.

What a strange coincidence.

 

The UK government has proposed increasing the standard rate of Value Added Tax (VAT) from 17.5% to 20% from 4 January 2011.

They are not alone in proposing increases in VAT or equivalent taxes to address deficits in government budgets. The States of Jersey currently has a proposal to do much the same thing – increasing their rate of Goods and Services Tax (which is a VAT in all but name) from 3% to 5%. These rises will be contagious.

In this case though there is a curious link between the two proposals. A paper issued by the House of Commons library[i] on this issue and commentary in Jersey on the same issue[ii] both rely on work by the Institute for Fiscal Studies to support their claim that any increase in VAT is only mildly regressive at most, or might actually be progressive – as the IFS have claimed[iii].

A new Tax Briefing from Tax Research UK examines that Institute for Fiscal Studies claim and finds it is a statement of political dogma, but not of fact.

As the Tax Research briefing argues, a regressive tax is almost universally agreed to be one where the proportion of an individual’s income expended on that tax falls as they progress up the income scale[i]. VAT is a regressive tax. This is shown, quite dramatically, in the graph below which is based on UK official data[ii] :

By chance the VAT and total direct tax burdens on the bottom 20% of households ranked by their income is the same. Direct taxes then rise steadily as a proportion of income as incomes rise and both VAT and all indirect taxes combined do the exact opposite, falling as a proportion of income as income rises. So marked is the trend that the overall progressive effect of income tax is not enough to counter the fact that the poorest households suffer such a high rate of overall indirect tax that they end up with the highest average tax rates in the economy as a whole.

The message from this data is unambiguous: the poorest 20% of households in the UK have both the highest overall tax burden of any quintile and the highest VAT burden. That VAT burden at 12.1% of their income is more than double that paid by the top quintile, where the VAT burden is 5.9% of income. VAT is, therefore, regressive.

The IFS dispute this. They produce the following data in evidence:

 

They say of this:

It shows that the percentage of net income paid as VAT varies relatively little across most of the income distribution, with the biggest exception being that the bottom decile group does pay a higher fraction of its net income on VAT than do other income groups.

And they then use this claim to justify the fact that in their opinion VAT paid is not regressive with regard to income.

The slight problem for them is that this overlooks the very obvious fact that it is. Replotting their data and excluding the bottom decile as they would like the following graph can be drawn:

The linear regression shows a clear downward trend that makes very clear VAT is regressive.

Surprisingly the IFS ignore this obvious fact and go on to claim:

However, looking at a snapshot of the patterns of spending, VAT paid and income in the population at any given moment is misleading, because incomes are volatile and spending can be smoothed through borrowing and saving. Consider a student or a retiree: their current income is likely to be quite low but their lifetime earnings could be relatively high. The student may borrow to fund spending, whilst the retiree may be running down savings. Similarly, many people in the lowest income decile will be temporarily not in paid work and able to maintain relatively high spending in the short period they are out of the labour market. Because their spending is higher than their current income, these people will be paying a high fraction of their current income in VAT. Similarly, those with high current incomes tend to have high saving, and so appear to escape the tax, but they will face it when they come to spend the accumulated savings. Because of this ‚Äòconsumption smoothing’, expenditure is probably a better measure of living standards (and households’ perceptions of the level of spending they can sustain).

And they then claim that comparing VAT with spending shows that VAT is progressive:

However, this requires that a number of further conditions hold. First, the poor must have savings, and as I show, they don’t. Second, they must have access to borrowing, and as I show, they don’t (except for doorstep lenders). Third, the consumption patterns of the rich must be the same as the poor, and they’re not. In fact, the consumption patterns of the rich (for school frees, private health, leisure travel, second homes and financial services products) are all VAT free, unlike the consumption patterns of the poorest. In addition, the IFS has to abuse all known notions of measure for progressivity to reach this conclusion.

The result is that far from the IFS claim being justified, it is vey obviously wrong, and very poor quality research. As a matter of fact VAT is regressive.

The IFS claim is, however, consistent with persistent IFS recommendations that VAT be increased (to replace corporation tax, for example, and on food and children’s clothing to pay for “desirable tax reductions”) all of which, together with their recommendations that Inheritance Tax be abolished and tax on interest income be abolished suggest a systematic bias towards making recommendations that favour redistribution of taxes from those who work for a living or who are the poorest in our country towards those with wealth and who enjoy income from capital.

None of which makes it easy to see how the IFS can sustain the claim that [i] it:

maintain a rigorous, scientific approach to research, while offering scope for timely, independent, well-informed contributions to public debate.

The full paper is available here.


[i] http://www.ifs.org.uk/centres/esrcIndex

 


[i] It is, for example, defined as such in the Oxford Dictionary of Economics.

[ii] [ii] http://www.statistics.gov.uk/downloads/theme_social/Taxes-Benefits-2007-2008/Taxes_benefits_0708.pdf

 


[i] http://www.parliament.uk/briefingpapers/commons/lib/research/briefings/snbt-05620.pdf

[ii] http://www.gov.je/SiteCollectionDocuments/Tax%20and%20your%20money/ID%20FSR%20GREEN%20PAPER%2020100621%20MM.pdf

[iii] http://www.ifs.org.uk/budgets/gb2009/09chap10.pdf

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