Danny Kruger, Christian nationalism and the threat from Reform

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Summary

This is a long post. For those with limited time, I argue that Danny Kruger's defection to Reform comes with a manifesto for Christian nationalism attached.

He claims England (and I stress, England) was consciously founded as a Christian nation, that secularism has failed, and that “woke” must be destroyed.

This is not history but myth-making designed to pit Christians against others and distract from economic collapse with culture wars.

The agenda is clear: re-Christianise public life, rewrite education, roll back equality.

The real choice we face is not between Christian nationalism and a “godless desert,” but between exclusionary myths and a politics of pluralism, equality, and care.


Background

Danny Kruger MP quit the Tory frontbench yesterday and joined Reform, where he has been in charge of preparing the party for government. He has not, of course, offered himself for re-election by his constituents wearing his new party colours.

Kruger's politics

As John Crace, the Guardian political sketch writer, might have put it, Danny Kruger has only a vague relationship with reality, or even politics in the UK. Like most of the Reform leadership, he is also, of course, the product of an elite private school in the UK, so in touch with the people of his country is that party. But his true political agenda has to be understood, and a speech he made in parliament in July, to an almost empty chamber, indicated just how bizarre his thinking is. I share the part on his philosophy here with no apologies for the length of the quotation:

Analysis

Let me be blunt about what this is: it is a manifesto for Christian nationalism in England.

Kruger claimed that England — not Britain as a whole, but specifically England — was consciously founded as a Christian nation.

He went further and said that Christianity was not just one faith among others, but the very foundation of our laws, our freedoms, and our rights. From Alfred to Victoria, so his story went, this country flourished only because it worshipped the Christian God. The 20th century's great mistake, in Kruger's view, was to imagine that a nation could be neutral about God. Secularism, he claimed, had led only to emptiness, breakdown, loneliness, and moral decline.

I suggest that this framing is no accident. It is a very obvious and deliberate attempt to recast national identity in religious terms. What Kruger presented as history was, in fact, myth-making. His tale was a profoundly sanitised account of a thousand years of English life, which carefully ignored both the brutality of religious conflict and the fact that modern rights had to be fought for, most often against the established church and its entrenched support for privilege, which in turn had required many of Christian faith to look elsewhere to worship.

Kruger's view of the present is no more appealing. With secularism supposedly collapsing, the “strong gods” were returning. Islam, he acknowledged, is growing, although under what he called a “Christian shield.” But the real enemy, in Kruger's opinion, is a hybrid of paganism, heresy, and modernism; what he inevitably derided as “woke.” This, he claimed, must be destroyed and be driven out of schools, universities, businesses, and our public services until it is banished to the margins of eccentricity. Concern for others is, it would seem, in Kruger's opinion, the greatest threat to our society, because that is what woke means: it is an awareness of inequality and the resulting injustice flowing from it.

Kruger's language is not, then, the language of tolerance or democracy. It is entirely about the rhetoric of exclusion. It pits Christians against non-Christians, England against the other nations of the UK, and the faithful against the secular majority. And it presents liberalism and pluralism as dangers, not achievements.

Kruger's political intention is obvious. Rather than addressing the economic failures of recent governments, which he supported, he is seeking to shift the battlefield to culture and identity instead, where the far-right thinks they can mobilise fear and resentment. This is straight out of the Farage/Reform/Fascist playbook: distract from economic collapse with a culture war framed as an existential struggle.

And if we take the words seriously, the policy implications are stark. Kruger seeks:

  • The re-Christianisation of public life.
  • The rewriting of education to promote Christianity as the national faith.
  • Restrictions on progressive teaching, equality initiatives, and secular ethics.
  • The toleration of minority religions, but only so long as they accept the existence of a dominant creed.
  • The potential rollback of women's and LGBTQ+ rights in the name of “tradition.”

This is not just theology. It is a programme for cultural authoritarianism in Britain.

The real danger is that, unless it is challenged, this vision will shape the political narrative of the next decade. It offers a false choice between a Christian nationalism rooted in nostalgia and a “godless desert” of secular liberalism. But that is a false dichotomy. The real choice is whether we build a society based on pluralism, equality, and care, or whether we retreat into an exclusionary myth of England (as not the UK) that never truly was.

What we know is that when economic arguments fail, demagogues turn to identity politics. That is what is happening now. We need to call it out for what it is — and insist that the future of this country will not be secured by reviving a medieval past, but by facing the real crises of our age: inequality, ecological breakdown, and the desperate need for a politics of care.

That is the choice we have. Where are the politicians calling Kruger out on this?


Taking further action

If you want to write a letter to your MP on the issues raised in this blog post, there is a ChatGPT prompt to assist you in doing so, with full instructions, here.

One word of warning, though: please ensure you have the correct MP. ChatGPT can get it wrong.


Comments 

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