What is a far-right party?

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I have been asked to define the way in which I use the term ‘far-right'. I do that in this video and, at the same time, explain why I think Reform fits my criteria for describing it as such.

This is the audio version:

This is the transcript:


What is the far right in British politics? And how do I think that Reform relates to that definition? It's a question that I'm being asked and given the significance of Reform in the UK's current political environment and the rise of the far right, in my opinion, around the world, it seems an appropriate time to answer the question.

2025 is, in political terms, going to be dominated by these parties, and they are going to try to create narratives that upset the status quo within the politics of the UK as a consequence and therefore, it seems right to define the terms that I use when I describe a political party as being on the far right.

There are quite a number of ways in which I think that this is flagged and I'm going to highlight a whole series of them. They aren't in numerical order. They aren't necessarily in order of priority. The point is that you have to assemble this evidence across a whole range of indicators to suggest fairly conclusively that a party is on the far right. And that's what I intend to do in this video.

The first indication that there is that a party might be on the far right is that it is considered by just about everybody in a society to be further right than all the existing current political parties. And this is undoubtedly true of Reform in the UK.

There isn't anybody who pretends that Reform is not at least on the right wing of the Conservative Party or further right than it, and remember that the Tories have shifted significantly towards their right wing over the last decade and moved away from their old One-Nation view of the world. So, just on that basis alone, purely technically, Reform is clearly on the far right of politics, because if the Tories are in the centre-right, and Labour is on the moderate right, then Reform must be on the far-right, and technically that's a term we can use simply to describe where they are.

But that isn't sufficient in itself to explain whether they're on the far right. There have to be these other things as well.

One of those is a decided bias towards wealth and against working people. And I think we can see that in the behaviour of Reform. It's all in favour of cutting taxes on the wealthy.

It doesn't like inheritance tax.

It doesn't like capital gains tax.

It's biased against corporation tax.

But as importantly, It is providing no indication of real support for working people and their rights, and many of its policies would remove the social safety net on which so many people in the UK are dependent. This is a clear bias towards the wealthy, at cost to those who work for a living and who are dependent upon the state to provide services that they could not afford for themselves, and that is an indication of a far-right party.

Reform is also biased towards corporations or companies. It favours deregulation, which would massively increase the profitability of large companies who did not have to comply with that regulation, which has been put in place to protect us from harm.

It is not in favour of accountability. It doesn't appear to want large companies to be accountable for their behaviour.

And we can see this most particularly with regard to climate change and the abuse of the climate that large companies do. Reform is basically in denial about the fact that this problem even exists and therefore of the need to be accountable for it. As a consequence, it also wants to liberate companies from this constraint, which they think exists on their profit. And as I've already mentioned, it wants low corporation tax.

Reform seeks to shrink the role of government. And that is another indication of a far-right party. It wants actual cuts in government spending and says that they must come.

In particular, it questions the role and even the existence of the NHS, which is anathema to most people in the UK, but which Nigel Farage has promoted for a long time, suggesting that there are insurance-based alternatives, which would however be largely unaffordable for most people. Look at the USA for evidence of that.

And in general, whatever it is that the government does, Reform want less to be done. This is a clear indication of a far-right agenda.

I also think Reform has a disdain for democracy. And let's look at the clearest indication of this. Reform is a private limited company controlled by Nigel Farage. There is actually no democracy within this political party, or what it claims to be a political party, because Nigel Farage decides what happens. You could not get a clearer indication for disdain of democratic process within a political party than that. It's not accountable to anyone – as the promotions and sackings that take place in that party on a regular basis show. And I believe that is an indication of the approach of Reform to democracy as a whole.

Reform also highlights the significance of military power. There's nothing that Nigel Farage likes more than the chance to be a little bit jingoistic. On the beaches in Normandy, whenever there's an anniversary, he wants to be there celebrating the forces. But he also wants an increase in spending on the forces at a time when he wants to cut government spending in general. This dependence on the forces is a very clear indication of a far-right party.

He also seeks to link politics and religion, and Richard Tice, the deputy leader of Reform, does this perhaps more often than Nigel Farage himself. He frequently refers to the UK as a Christian country, but there's no evidence for that. Latest surveys and the census all indicate that the majority of people in the UK are now ambivalent about their relationship to any religion and the actual number of people attending Christian worship is now in a tiny percentage. So, this claim that we're a Christian country, which Reform uses to reinforce its agenda against those of other faiths, most of whom do, of course, come from migrant or ethnic minority populations is a deliberate use of the church as a political positioning weapon. And that is a very clear indication of far-right alignment.

Reform seeks to control the media. It is very clear that it has no time for media regulation, and it is a great lover of GB news. It also favours those other outlets that are very much inclined to promote far right thinking, including the Daily Mail, the Daily Express and others. And do remember, the Daily Mail has a very unfortunate history in this respect. It is clearly not interested in unbiased news reporting, and its frequent attacks on the media. Its frequent attacks on the BBC are a clear indication of that.

It also seeks to control freedom of speech and of protest. Now this is obviously linked to the control of the media, but extends that issue. It wants to limit the right of unions to protest. It wants to limit the right of those from the left to protest. And we have seen it actively opposing those rights, whilst Nigel Farage willingly turns up on demonstrations by farmers. There is a bias in this which is very apparent and it's towards the far right.

But there's also something else about Reform which is very typical of the far-right. It has a disdain for the arts, for experts, intellectuals and universities. This is a far-right characteristic which it is very clearly aligned with.

Reform also promotes family values. Nothing pleases it more than the idea of the ‘wife at home', and there's a lot of appeal to people to increase the number of children they have. This is how they wish to deal with the ‘flood of migrants', by having more white children. This idea is deeply offensive to most. It's also utterly economically unsustainable in the world in which we now live, but Reform promotes it, nonetheless. And I think that is strongly misogynistic, which is of course another one of the characteristics that I would suggest are apparent from its behavior. That to me is deeply worrying.

Reform is also strongly nationalistic. That nationalism is not, of course, for the United Kingdom. Reform is in complete denial about the nature of the United Kingdom, basically ignoring the existence of Northern Ireland and Wales and Scotland and only presuming that England is of consequence.

English nationalism and English exceptionalism are the basis for its nationalism. But this is typical of the far-right. They draw boundaries to suit their own purpose and that is what the far-right in the form of Reform are doing here. They are defining what is the country to suit their own image of what they wish it to be, not what it actually is. And, as a consequence, they're dismissing the rights, opinions, and opportunities of fifteen per cent of the people in the United Kingdom, as it now is, who they presume they can subject to their rule without question arising.

But they do the same with regard to other countries as well. Nobody, of course, was more in favour of Brexit than Reform and its various Farage predecessors.

This whole process of defining the UK, or rather England, as a country apart is a very right wing trope, and is only breached in one situation, of course, which is that Farage would like to align us with the USA of which I frankly think he would like us to become the 51st, 52nd or 53rd state depending upon the order in which Trump manages to take over Canada and Greenland and us, and anybody else who he thinks should be within his domain. But Farage likes that but doesn't want to actually define us as having relationships with anyone else and this is a far-right trope.

Reform seeks to deny the rights of minorities. LGBTQ+ rights are not on its agenda. I've already mentioned its position with regard to women, which I think is deeply misogynistic. And it does appear that it is quite contemptuous of those with mental ill health and those who are not from the mainstream thinking within the UK, as a consequence sidelining all those with autism and ADHD and with any other form of neurodivergent condition, which actually means that they are more than able to operate in society so long as society recognises that they do not operate in a neurotypical fashion.

Neurotypicality. is what reform wants, as does, of course, Kemi Badenoch, but they appear aligned on this point. And that is the clearest indication of this lack of tolerance of minorities, which is, of course, then seen in reform's populist nature.

Reform is fundamentally populist. It seeks to ‘other' groups in society, by which I mean it tries to define people as not of the mainstream. And I've just mentioned some groups that it does not want in the mainstream, and we are of course, always aware of the fact that so much that has come from Nigel Farage is what looks racist to some people, but if it isn't racist, is most certainly against the best interests of those from ethnic minorities and is fundamentally opposed to migration, with that opposition to migration appearing to be much higher in the case of those who happen to not be white or male.

And this, to me, I think, is a clear indication of populist, anti-migrant narratives, which are also reflected in its demand that those who do come to the UK assimilate and abandon their own cultures, for which there is no reason, because those cultures add to the diversity and joy of life in the UK.

But, perhaps most of all, this policy is indifferent to the creation of fear or of the causing of offence, which appears to be such a part of the programme that Reform wants to promote. There is a refusal at the very heart of this programme to recognise the multi-country, multi-cultural nature of the United Kingdom as a whole, which is aligned with the English nationalism to which I've already referred. This is a trope from the far-right, and I believe it aligns Reform with the far-right.

And finally, and let's just mention it, there is cronyism. Cronyism is, of course, normally associated with corruption, and I'm not suggesting that Reform is corrupt, but I am suggesting that it might be afflicted with cronyism. And how do I know? I'll go back to another point I've already mentioned. The fact that Nigel Farage will not tolerate any form of opposition to his views within the party that he has created.

He risked it with UKIP, and he risked it with the Brexit Party, but he will not risk it with Reform. He is in control. And if that isn't a definition of cronyism, in the sense that those who wish to get on have to crony up to Nigel, or they have no chance of doing so, then I don't know what is. And this, again, is a clear indication of a far-right movement.

So, that's how I view the far right. Those groupings are what I think are significant, and why I think Reform is a far-right party.

I know that there will be those who disagree, and they're very welcome to do so. But this is the criteria I'm using, and that is why I think Reform is on the far-right. And because I find so many of those issues that it promotes repugnant, that is why I will be spending time in 2025 challenging everything that they, and those who are closely aligned to them in the Tory party, stand for.


This mind map summarises the arguments in this video:


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