Investors who want to ensure their money supports ethical concerns should add tax behaviour to the criteria by which companies are judged, Christian Aid says today.

‘Along with traditional concerns such as involvement in tobacco, weapons and environmental issues, a company should also be assessed on its tax practices,’ says Dr David McNair, Christian Aid’s Principal Adviser on Economic Justice.

‘Companies should contribute to the societies in which they work. Paying tax is a major way in which they can do so, helping fund schools, hospitals and other essential public services.

‘To qualify as an ethical investment, Christian Aid believes a company must pay its taxes in a transparent way. This includes paying the taxes they owe in the countries where the work which generated the profits actually took place.

‘Some unscrupulous multinational corporations use the secrecy offered by the world’s tax havens to avoid, or even evade, the tax they owe, which has a particularly damaging impact on the poorer countries where they operate.

‘At present, we estimate that tax dodging by multinationals costs developing countries some $160bn a year in lost tax revenue – one-and-a-half times the amount they receive from rich countries in aid. This harms millions of people living in poverty.’

In a report published this week calling for tax to be regarded as a corporate responsibility issue, Christian Aid warns that companies which pursue aggressive tax strategies face a higher risk of reputational damage than those that don’t. They also risk costly legal action being taken against them by tax authorities.

The report argues that companies should consider implementing codes of conduct which rule out aggressive tax behaviour and include commitments such as:

•       Income is held to be taxable in the country where it was generated.

•       Tax planning will seek to comply with the spirit as well as the letter of the law.

•       Tax planning will be consistently disclosed to all tax authorities it affects.

•       Information about transactions will be consistently disclosed to all the tax authorities involved.

 

 

I have now published (at the request of those who supplied them to me) the drafts of the EU Accounting and Transparency directives as they apply to country-by-country reporting. Of the two the Accounting Directive is much the more detailed and since the two are meant to be consistent it it to the Accounting Directive (AD) that I will refer.

Chapter 9 of this draft contains the issues of relevance for this is the draft AD itself rather than the preamble and notes to it.

Highlighting what I think are some of the key issues, the following jump out:

1) The AD applies to all large companies in the extractive industries and forestry.

2) Government is very widely defined to mean a government, regional government and a government agency.

3) Project level reporting is currently included – as requested by Publish What You Pay.

4) Large undertakings are required to file an annual report on payments made by them in aggregate across all their subsidiaries operating in a jurisdiction to the government of that place and its agencies.

5) Payment includes payments in kind.

6) Only taxes relating to the extractive industries are covered. sales and payroll taxes are excluded, although sales taxes are likely to be minimal anyway.

7) Materiality is defined in terms of the recipient country not the paying company.

8) It is not entirely clear that the report is part of the annual accounts and it is not clear whether it has to be audited, but the reference to Chapter 2 of Directive 2009/101/EC implies that this is the case because I can’t see what else it could mean since it does not seem to add this new report to the list of disclosures required there but adds it into those disclosures – and that can only be in the accounts.

9) Reporting exemptions are offered but thankfully will be very hard as written for any company to use.

10) The EU is reserving the right to define materiality specifically.

So that’s the good news.

Now the problems:

1) Defining an extractive industries company will be a nightmare.

2) I suspect project reporting to be a major obstacle – but welcome it.

3) There is a real problem that only tax payments are to be included. Let’s not for a minute pretend that this is as a result country-by-country reporting because it is not. It’s just disclosure data that will be very hard to interpret because no one will know what sales and profits are, for example, in the countries in question meaning that very little meaningful interpretation of the data disclosed form an accounting perspective will be possible. I’ll address this in more detail, later.

4) More broadly, I welcome the fact that the AD seems to require reporting whether or not the EI company is actually extracting resources in a territory or not – meaning that, for example, profits taxes appear to have to be reported everywhere, although I am troubled that tax havens will not be covered since a non-payment can’t trigger disclosure under the rules noted and that is a major omission.

5) There is no requirement in here to demand some other very basic disclosures we have asked for including:

- a list of every country in the company operates

- a list of its subsidiaries by territory

6) No reserves data by country is required, meaning a massive information source critical to civil society in many developing countries is omitted from disclosure.

7) The data demanded appears to be cash flow data. This imposes serious cost on companies and is inconsistent with the accounting basis used by companies themselves. More logically accounting data requiring profit and loss account charges due by category of liability reconciled with opening and closing liabilities due and total payments made in aggregate would have been of much ore use as this then becomes accounting data.

8) But most problematically, this is not accounting data. So, for example, without sales data the rate of royalty paid cannot be checked and consistency over time cannot be appraised. Likewise without profits data whether or not taxes due on profits are reasonably stated cannot be appraised. And if data is not required for all territories – such as tax havens – then the risk of profits being artificially relocated from developing countries to such places cannot be appraised.

I do of course welcome this development but it is a very long way short indeed of meaningful accounting disclosure that will really hold these companies to account. In that sense this is a profound disappointment: the message that capital must be held to account for what it does not just in developing countries but on its flow into and out of such places has bot been heard as yet. That’s worrying.

Country-by-country reporting has come a very long way since I published the first version of it in January 2003 but it still has a long way to go as well. The campaign has to go on – and pressure has to still be brought to bear on the EU to get these reforms through, with improvements if possible.

My thanks to all who are bringing that pressure to bear in Publish What You Pay and elsewhere: their efforts have been quite extraordinary, and will be in the months to come too, I know.

NB: published in haste and maybe subject to revision later

 

I have just referred to the fact that I have seen a copy of the draft EU Transparency Directive and I have published its suggested changes relating to country-by-country reporting. I have also seen the draft new Accounting Directive. The relevant content from the preamble and discussion on this says: Continue reading »

 

I have seen a copy of the proposed revisions to the EU’s Transparency Directive. The content relating to country-by-country reporting is as follows:

Reporting of payments to governments

The EU legislation does not currently require issuers to disclose, on a country basis, payments made to countries where they operate. There is therefore a lack of transparency on payments made to governments to a specific country, although those payments by the extractive or forestry industry can represent a large amount of the country resources, especially in resources-rich countries. In order to make governments accountable for these resources and promote good governance, it is proposed to require their disclosure at the individual or consolidated level of a company. Continue reading »

 

The Guardian reports this morning when discussing what the good businesses Ed Miliband has been talking about might look like :

More transparency about how much tax firms are paying is also critical. Harriet Harman, Miliband’s deputy, used her conference speech to urge more action on the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which demands multinationals operating in different countries publish details of what tax they pay in each country, making it harder for them to hoodwink governments in resource-rich but dirt poor African countries into giving away their raw materials at rock-bottom prices.

“No one can accept the situation where we have to give money to poor countries but those countries – which are rich in natural resources – don’t get their fair share of the profits from their mines,” Harman said.

“The truth is, more is lost to people in poor countries from tax dodging by global companies than is paid in aid.”

Richard Murphy, of the Tax Justice Network, said: “A good company would be one which said what it’s doing in each country, how much it’s making, and how much tax it’s paying. That’s not happening at the moment.”

In the UK context, that would mean firms reporting what percentage of their profits they have paid in tax in a given year – and why it’s lower than the headline rate (eg because of mind-blowingly complex avoidance schemes involving a string of subsidiaries in tax havens).

I got positive feedback on the issues from the Labour Treasury team too.

And of course Labour when in office was a champion of country-by-country reporting.

I’m grateful for their continuing support.

Why is it the Tories can’t share their enthusiasm for transparency and accountability?

 

 

Ed Miliband has announced himself in favour of good business. I am delighted he has. So am I. It’s astonishing that some are saying that by declaring himself against spivs, chancers, asset strippers, speculators and tax avoiders he is somehow anti-business. Far from it: he’s declared himself very pro-business precisely because it is these people who are any-business.

But being anti-something is not good enough. Being pro-good business is what is required and that requires a clear understanding of just what a good business might be. I’m not seeking to offer a definitive guide here, but take these as examples. A good business:

1) Makes clear who it is so people know who they are dealing with

2) Makes clear who runs it

3) Makes clear who owns it

4) Makes clear the rules by which it is managed

5) Puts its accounts on public record if it enjoys limited liability, and does so wherever it is incorporated whether required to by law or not

6) Seeks to comply with all regulation that applies to it

7) Seeks to pay the right amount of tax due on the profits it makes in the place where they are really earned and at the time they really arise

8 ) Seeks to pay a living wage or more to all who work for it

9) Recognises trade union rights

10) Operates a fair pay policy so that the pay differential between highest and lowest paid in the company cannot exceed an agreed ratio that should never exceed twenty

11) Makes fair pension provision for all employees

12) Does not discriminate between employees on the basis of race, nationality, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, age, disability and similar such issues

13) Does not abuse the environment

14) Has a clear code of ethics that it publishes and is seen to uphold

15) Is transparent in its dealings with customers

16) Seeks at all times to minimise risk to those it deals with and takes all steps to ensure they know what those risks are

17) Accepts responsibility for its failings and remedies them

18) Works in partnership with its suppliers and does not abuse them

19) Advertises responsibly

20) Creates and supplies products meeting real human need

I could readily add to that list, which I do not think I have tried to prepare before. But the gist is obvious.

So what would this look like in practice, meaning how could this status be assessed? This was a question I was asked by a councillor last night who wanted to put good ethics into practice in his council’s procurement policies.

I hope that the assessment criteria for the above should be clear in most cases with the exception perhaps if the fact that this list clearly implies the need for country by country reporting to explain:

- What it is called where it operates meaning it must name each subsidiary and specify where it operates

- Its profit and loss in each country and jurisdiction in which it operates

- How much tax is pays on the profits it earns in each jurisdiction

- What its internal trading is so that its transactions within its internal supply chains can be identified

- How many people it employs in each jurisdiction that operates in and how much it pays them in aggregate plus their pension cost

- How much it has invested in tangible assets and working capital in each jurisdiction on which it works.

Only then is the data to assess whether it is a good corporate citizen available for assessment.

The final part in this equation is suggesting an assessment criteria for what is a good company. In some cases this will, again, be obvious from the suggestions made. For example, it might be expected that a company either recognises a union or it does not. However things are rarely that simple. Different subsidiaries in different countries may or may not recognise unions so composite scores are possible.

Other indicators can be prepared using this data. For example explainable and unexplainable presence in tax havens becomes an issue when the number of subsidiaries in such places are known. The proportion of trade through or assets in such places also becomes significant assessment criteria if country by country accounting data is available. The likelihood of tax compliance can also be assessed properly when country by country reporting data is available.

‘So what?’ might then be the question. What would be the point of all this? Well when things are measured behaviour changes, we know that. But more significantly the government is a major purchaser from many companies. If its procurement policy was based on the requirement that a company meet a minimum standard or no contract could be issued then this becomes a very powerful tool indeed, and those criteria need not be consistent. So, for example, in the case of PFI offshore might simply be a non-starter.

The point though is this: we can identify good companies and the introduction of country by country reporting would make the whole task a lot easier.

What this means is simply this: reform to our currently unacceptable corporate culture is possible. All it takes is political will and we can do it.

Is that will available? That’s the question.

 

As the Telegraph (a paper I’m liking more and more now Sean O’Hare is working for it) has reported:

The US pledged yesterday to participate in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), becoming the second G8 country – behind Norway – to join.

President Obama said it would ensure that “taxpayers receive every dollar they are due from the extraction of natural resources.”

The US joins more than 35 countries, mainly from developing nations in the initiative, in what is essentially an exercise in transparent book balancing designed to highlight financial discrepancies and corruption in the sector.

It’s an important point to note that the EITI was launched by the UK, hosted by us for some years, and is still part funded by the UK. Which is the good news.

But now the US and Norway have set the precedent: developed countries can and should join. Tax transparency matters to us too.

And what does the Telegraph report the response of the UK to this suggestion to be?:

Defending the decision not to commit to the EITI, a [UK] government spokesman said: “The UK is already a strong international supporter of the EITI and transparency in the extractives sector.

Joseph Williams of Publish What You Pay, an organisation that believes wealth generated by oil, gas and mining industries can be a pathway to poverty reduction, stable economic growth and development in resource rich countries, said: “This is a bogus argument which smacks of double standards. Plenty of EITI implementing countries are not considered as resource rich by the IMF such as Madagascar, Niger, and Tanzania. The British government supported these countries joining EITI so why are they holding themself to a different standard?”

“Plenty of EITI implementing countries are not considered resource rich by the IMF such as Madagascar, Niger, and Tanzania. The British government supported these countries joining EITI so why are they holding themself to a different standard?

“It’s also worth mentioning that the UK is the EU’s largest oil producer and the second largest natural gas producer.”

Quite so.

This is dual standards at play.

So much for a commitment to transparency by this government. This is about keeping their friends in shady places happy.

And those friends are in those places, as the recent report by Publish What You Pay Norway showed.

 

This news has just been released by the US government:

The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) has developed a voluntary framework under which governments publicly disclose their revenues from oil, gas, and mining assets, and companies make parallel disclosures regarding payments that they are making to obtain access to publicly owned resources. These voluntary disclosures are designed to foster integrity and accountability when it comes to development of the world’s natural resources. This Administration:

• Is Hereby Committing to Implement the EITI to Ensure that Taxpayers Are Receiving Every Dollar Due for Extraction of our Natural Resources. The U.S. is a major developer of natural resources. The U.S. collects approximately $10 billion in annual revenues from the development of oil, gas, and minerals on Federal lands and offshore, and disburses the bulk of these revenues to the U.S. Treasury, with smaller portions disbursed to five Federal agencies, 35 States, 41 American Indian tribes, and approximately 30,000 individual Indian mineral owners. By signing onto the global standard that EITI sets, the U.S. Government can help ensure that American taxpayers are receiving every dollar due for the extraction of these valuable public resources.

• Will Work in Partnership with Industry and Citizens to Build on Recent Progress. The Administration has already made important strides in reforming the management of our natural resources to ensure that there are no conflicts of interest between the production and the collection of revenues from these resources. Signing onto the EITI initiative will further these objectives by creating additional “sunshine” for the process of collecting revenues from natural resource extraction. Industry already provides the Federal Government with this data. We should share it with all of our citizens. Toward that end, the Federal Government will work with industry and citizens to develop a sensible plan over the next two years for disclosing relevant information and enhancing the accountability and transparency of our revenue collection efforts.

There are weaknesses in the EITI, but this is stunningly good news for an initiative only seen as being of concern to developing countries to date.

Now what about the UK joining too?

Followed by a commitment to country-by-country reporting?

 

As the Guardian reports this morning:

More than a third of the subsidiaries owned by major energy and mining companies including Shell, BP and Glencore are based in “secrecy jurisdictions” where company accounts are not publicly available, according to a report.

The study by Publish What You Pay Norway, which campaigns for transparent accounting among oil, gas and mining giants, claims that populations in resource-rich countries are losing out because they are unable to extract financial information from businesses operating on their soil or off their seaboards.

“Extractive industry giants’ corporate ownership structures, their use of secrecy jurisdictions and the lack of meaningful information they impart is a major reason why stakeholders in resource-rich nations often meet a wall of silence when asking questions,” says the report. “This makes it very difficult to hold their politicians and the companies that extract oil, gas and minerals to account.”

The report defines “secrecy jurisdiction” as a location where companies are incorporated but accounts and beneficial ownership details are not publicly available. The definition of a secrecy jurisdiction was based primarily on three sources: a list of offshore financial centres published by the International Monetary Fund; a list drawn up by the US tax collection body; and a secrecy index by the non-governmental organisation the Tax Justice Network. The report stressed that there was nothing in the companies’ behaviour that suggested that they evaded tax illegally.

Under those definitions, secrecy jurisdictions include the US state of Delaware, the Netherlands, Belgium and Ireland – as well as Bermuda and the Cayman Islands. According to the report, 10 of the largest extractive industry companies had 2,087 subsidiaries in secrecy jurisdictions. The 10 included Shell, BP and Glencore.

The report’s author, Nick Mathiason, said: “Extractive industry majors organise their ownership structure to ensure their revenues and profits are kept as far away from the source of their mines and fields and in a way that makes it all but impossible for citizens to get a true appreciation of the assets.”A spokesman for Shell said the company paid $15.4bn in corporate taxes last year and is a founder of a transparency drive for energy and mining majors.

The full report is available here. And yes, in the interests of full disclosure I should note I advised on its production.

What are the key issues the report highlights? First of all that when so much of the activity of these companies is hidden from view the need for country-by-country reporting is proven or it is impossible to hold them to account for what they do where, which is the basis of corporate transparency, corporate responsibility and accountability as well as the stewardship concept that directors of suc companies are duty bound to uphold.

Second, the project featured Bolivian and Ecuadorian journalists and campaigners who set out to get key financial and operational question to test whether country-by-country reporting is needed. They found they could not secure any material data on the operations of the companies surveyed in their own countries. The need for international cooperation to ensure companies are held to account locally has been proven.

Thirdly, a legacy resource from the project is the creation of a Web-based database which maps every subsidiary and its incorporation location owned by

BP

ConocoPhillips

ExxonMobil

Royal Dutch Shell

Anglo American

Barrick Gold Corp

BHP Billiton

Glencore and

Rio Tinto

This will be available soon to academics, campaigners, journalists and other interested parties – although what it documents is in effect a series of questions – all of which start with “What do you do in this place and in this company?”

Lastly, it shows the extraordinary extent to which multinational corporations are willing to embrace complexity to avoid tax. Never doubt they like complexity when it suits them. Arguments to the contrary are simply spurious.

My congratulations to Nick Mathiason for undertaking  this project and to Publish What You Pay Norway for funding it.