If we are to adapt to meet need we require systems that can accommodate change and it seems that our political system can’t do that

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The situation in Afghanistan has rightly dominated the news this weekend. There is little I can say about the situation there that will add to knowledge. I am fearful for the plight of so many, and most especially the women of the country. I worry about obsession of any sort, and its impact in creating collective error. And I know that this is not the end of the story of strife in Afghanistan, which is a tale centuries old, and seemingly as unresolved as ever. So, forgive me if I stand back from the situation in that country, and leave that to others to address. Let me think about three related issues that are important.

First, collective opinion can be as wrong in the USA and elsewhere as it can be in Afghanistan. It has been suggested that well over 70% of people in the US wanted the policy initiative started by Trump and ended by Biden of pulling out of Afghanistan to be seen through. It is very apparent, despite any bluster Johnson now musters, that this had support in the UK government. And as is now clear, it was wrong. Anything approaching stable government in Afghanistan was impossible without US air cover for the US-backed Afghan forces, whose fate does not bear thinking about now.

That collective opinion was wrong, in other words. The skill required of politicians is to decide when they might know better than popular opinion, and to reject the latter. Unfortunately, that this is the case is now very widely forgotten. In the age of both populism and the near universal desire to appease focus groups politicians think it their job to deliver what people think they want. But the role that they have is not that simple. If only they appreciated that the world would be a much better place.

It is for the politician to take the unpopular, hopefully wise, decision that rises above the lowest common denominator that public opinion sometimes is. Wisdom does not always belong to crowds, and it is not elitist to say so. It is instead recognition that the opinion of crowds can be subject to many malign influences (from the mainstream press onwards) that have to be filtered and appraised before the right course of action can be found.

If only we had enough politicians with that ability. Paul Mason noted the politicians he thought capable of thinking outside the tribal mould of politics in a way that gives them the ability to counter fascism this weekend. The list was short. In response to the question which politicians do you rate within the context of his concern he said:

Above all Clive Lewis, who understands the need for a central-left alliance, and for it to be based on an ethical anti-fascism. I think Caroline Lucas also gets it, and so does Jamie Driscoll, the North of Tyne mayor. Nadia Whittome is a young MP who speaks for her generation. But that's about it really.

I don't always agree with Paul. But I would struggle to come up with a much longer list of politicians meeting his spec, and am pleased to work with two of those who are on it, despite which its brevity is of massive concern.

Second, despite this all things can and do change. In a seemingly unrelated, but I think pertinent article in the FT this morning Ruchir Sharma of Morgan Stanley notes that few of the companies that dominated each of the decades from the 1970s onwards performed well in the decade following (Microsoft being a rare exception) and most declined significantly after once appearing so dominant. As he noted:

Competition and churn lie at the heart of a functioning capitalist system. That is why the giants of one decade so often deliver such underwhelming returns in the next one, and shrink in the popular imagination. Expect that pattern to recur unless capitalism is truly broken.

The last point is very relevant. It's not just in markets that change should be inevitable. So too should it be in politics. Circumstances, needs and ideas change with time. Just as that fact is what catches companies out and makes what once seemed so good then appear like an inadequate answer to the needs of the following period so too should that be true of politics. Change is not just inevitable, but desirable.

However, we are at a point where it's not just markets that might be broken (and they may be). Politics is also at great risk of being in this place. We are stuck with a two-party system of politics that is hopelessly inadequate and which, because of the arcane and utterly inadequate procedural systems of both parties, puts up candidates with few of the qualities really required to govern in the 21st century, or the experience and ideas to do so. The result is a broken political system that an unholy alliance between Labour and Tories - acting together very deliberately despite the facade of opposition and which the Labour left has no greater desire to change than the centrists in that party - maintains a corrupt democracy that cannot possibly meet the needs of the UK or its people right now.

Welsh and Scottish nationalism are not hard to explain in that case. But nor either is the general malaise of this country, which is led by those on most sides all too keen to make no real change. I am not advocating change in the style now seen in Afghanistan: change with the threat of violence attached is the antithesis of all I would wish for. Nor is it necessary. But to ensure that the stresses that create change can be managed requires a political system capable of itself adapting to circumstances. Neither the UK or the US have that. It makes them very vulnerable indeed. I would go so far as to say they are both dying democracies as a result. And we should worry about that.

What is third? Let's end on a lighter note. That is that things can get better. I watched last night's Prom. There was subversion in the programming, again, I think. The final work was Shostakovich's
Symphony No 9 in E flat major. It was the piece he was commissioned to write to celebrate the great victory of Stalin in WW2. Except that is not the message he delivered. He combined the depths of despair and the lightness of hope. Some humour was thrown in. The piece was courageous, inspired and a message that things can change, and that they really do. Russian is far from a place with a resolution as yet, but Stalin did go.

In summary, if we are to adapt to meet need we require systems that can accommodate change. The greatest worry that we have is that in far too many ways those systems do not exist. That absence is the threat that we face. It is that inability of systems to accommodate adaptation that leads to breakdown. We are too close to that too often now. Can we heed the warning signs?


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