It’s not the substance of the following report in the FT on NHS reform that is interesting, it is the form of wording used:

As Andrew Lansley’s NHS bill slips deeper into the mire, amid ever more noisy opposition from doctors’ and nurses’ trade unions, there are still bits of the mess that can be rescued.

The assumption seems to be that in the face of opposition the governemtn hnow has little chance of getting its NHS reofrms through.

That’s a massive change in the narrative if true. And it may not be what the journalist meant. But it reads that way, and I like it.

 

I liked this succinct comment on the blog this morning with regard to the reorganisation of the NHS.:

Doctors are being put in charge of budgets where they have no expertise;

Service conglomerates are put in charge of diagnoses where they have no expertise;

Ratings agencies will judge hospitals where they have no expertise;

What could possibly go wrong in this evidence free reorganisation?

Nothing at all, obviously!

Now let us despair.

 

Many of us have argued for a long time that the Tories are privatising the NHS.

They of course deny it.

But the new that ratings agencies – the discredited Standard & Poors, Moody’s and Fitch – are to rate the success of hospitals in future really says all that needs to be known about The Tories’ objectives: the plan is very clearly to prepare businesses for sale.

Ignore clinical quality, care or any other factor that impacts health outcomes; just look to the financial bottom line. It’s a sad indictment of their bankrupt philosophy and their failure to tell the truth. No wonder almost all, right across the medical professions, are opposed to this reform which is already happening despite having not a shred of legislative backing as yet.

The contempt the Tories have shown for parliament is amazing.

The contempt for the rest of us staggering.

And we’ll end up paying, as the Americans do, vastly more for significantly worse health outcomes.

 

Clive Peedell is Co-chair of the NHS Consultants’ Association and a member of the BMA Council and BMA Political board. He’s also a first rate campaigner and thinker.

This week he’s doing what he calls Bevan’s Run – a five day marathon of 160 miles in 6 days from Aneurin Bevan’s Statue in Cardiff to the Department of Health, Richmond House, Whitehall, London to protest against the Health and Social Care Bill and NHS privatisation. Please support him.

But that’s not what this blog is about. As part of my weekend reading I read, with some pleasure, the first of what he says will be a three part analysis of why the politics and practicalities of NHS health market reforms have failed. There’s a lot here that overlaps with what I have written in The Courageous State, but much more on top of that too.

I strongly recommend this to all who have concerns not just about healthcare, but market failure in general. The blog is long, ambitious and broad, but worth the effort.

And I’m very glad it’s Clive and not me doing that run this week.

 

There is much discussion on my Twitter feed this morning on the NHS. My argument on why we cannot afford competition in the supply of healthcare in the UK – and why the NHS must as a result remain not just under state control but have the sham market within it abandoned as it is an extremely expensive charade is made in The Courageous State where in Chapter 6 I argue as follows:

It is a simple fact that when a service such as healthcare has to be provided to everyone, the costs of competition just explored cannot be afforded by society as a whole. 

So, for example, we already know that it is incredibly expensive to maintain a network of hospitals within reasonable distance of most people in the UK, particularly outside the major conurbations.  If, however, genuine competition were to now be part of the supply mechanism for healthcare, it would be necessary to have alternative suppliers of medical services available for all to choose from. But that would, by necessity, require duplication of resources since there is no competition to prevent market abuse when a person cannot choose between two hospitals within reasonable distance of where they live.  If, however, two (at least) reasonable alternative hospitals are to be made available, each hospital must first have excess capacity so that this choice can be exercised, and second each must maintain that excess capacity indefinitely. As a result, they must always run at less than full capacity and doctors and nurses will have to wait around in them in the hope that patients might arrive even if they do not, but must be paid nonetheless.

Perhaps worse still, those competing hospitals would very soon be spending a great deal of the cash previously directed at healthcare in promoting their services through advertising.  Any supposed efficiency benefits arising from the pressures of competition (none of which have materialised as yet after more than twenty years of pension privatisation) would be more than eroded by that spending. In the meantime any prospect of informed decision-making by many patients would disappear entirely if general practitioners, who make most referrals to hospitals, began touting for business, undoubtedly backed by advertising suggesting the supposed perception of added value that they might supply (“we promise you’ll never leave without a prescription” is a horrible marketing scenario that comes to mind that would, however, please many patients).  This process would in turn in all likelihood be backed by a pharmaceutical industry that has the capacity to make monopolistic profits because of the patents system on its products which guarantees them above-average returns on a successful product for a considerable period after its introduction to the market, and which they could then use to drive up demand for their products by manipulating this system of private medical supply to their advantage.

The cost we would incur if we created such competition is obvious: the outcome of all that excess capacity would be a considerable increase in the cost of supplying healthcare in the UK, or any other country where such choice might be made available. The evidence of this can already be seen when the cost of healthcare in the UK is compared to that of the US. The cost of healthcare in the US is approximately US$7,290 a year, according to a recent report by the Commonwealth Foundation, a US-based research body.  The comparative cost in the UK is $2,992 a year, with the US being considered by this organisation to supply much worse healthcare despite the price differential.[i]  In terms of total costs as a proportion of GDP, the UK spends approximately 8% of its national income on healthcare, which is lower than any of the other seven major countries to which the Commonwealth Foundation compared it, whereas the US spent 16% of its GDP on healthcare. Also, because of the substantial variation in the quality of healthcare provision in the US, where about a quarter of the population are dependent upon very basic services from the state, with the remainder being covered by an insurance-based system that is extremely expensive to operate with between 30% and 50% of all spending (the estimate depending upon the report noted) being absorbed by administration costs, outcomes are no better and may be worse despite the greater spend. This is clear indication of the inefficiency of the market when choice is provided.


[i]Mirror Mirror on the Wall:  How the performance of the US healthcare system compares internationally,  2010, Commonwealth Foundation http://www.commonwealthfund.org/~/media/Files/Publications/Fund%20Report/2010/Jun/1400_Davis_Mirror_Mirror_on_the_wall_2010.pdf

 

This was written by my son, Thomas, aged 9, this morning, unbidden. I thought it well worth sharing:

THE NHS

The N.H.S needs your help. The government is taking money away from this service. They need you to help.

Have you ever had to go to hospital?

Was it because of a bad illness?

Was it because of a broken bone?

If so think about how you felt when it happened or when you were told you could go home. Because in 2013 the N.H.S might not be around. We take it for granted but if one day the N.H.S. isn’t around who will be there to help us?

Also millions of people would loose their jobs.

By Thomas Murphy 18.11.11

 

The Information Commissioner has finally ruled that Andrew Lansley has broken the law on two occasions in the last year by refusing to issue information properly requested under Freedom of Information Requests.

As the Guardian reports:

The information commissioner, Christopher Graham, has ordered the health secretary to publish the Department of Health’s own risk assessment of the potential pitfalls involved in his radical restructuring of the NHS in England.

Lansley’s Department of Health had refused to disclose, saying to do so would:

deter from full, candid and proper deliberation of policy formulation and development

That’s utterly absurd. As Clare Gerada of the Royal College of General Practitioners (disclosure: my wide is a member) said:

The RCGP, among others, have been concerned for a year about the risks associated with the DH’s plans to ‘liberate’ the NHS; risks such as the increased costs involved, fragmentation of services, and widening of health inequalities – all things that poll after poll has showed that health professionals are worried about. I’m looking forward to seeing what this document says because it could vindicate people like myself who have been speaking out for patients for a year now.

I agree entirely: what Lansley’s actually saying is that he wants the law to go through without knowing just how destructive it will be for the NHS. The fact he was so keen to hide the risk – keen enough to break the law twice – is sure indication of how destructive he knows his plans are, and makes me even more worried for the future of healthcare on this country.

 

I posted about the ten year deal transferring management of Hinchingbrooke hospital in Huntingdon to a private, offshore controlled, company this morning.

Now a commentator on this blog has asked the questions which seem to need answers so I thought I would give them broader publicity.

There are a lot of questions that arise from this deal.

1) Hinchingbrooke has a PFI scheme, who is liable for that?

2) Hinchingbrooke has a private patient unit, will its profits go into the trust, or into Circle?

3) The trust is not a Foundation Trust, but it will have to be because the Health and Social Care Bill abolishes the status of NHS Trust, so Hinchingbrooke will have to become an FT or become a private hospital. FT’s have a membership (anyone over 16 in the area can be a member) who elect governors and the governors appoint the non-executive directors and the chair of the trust. Governors hire and fire NEDs and they can force the chief executive to resign. If Circle is taking over the management, and given a 10 year deal, does this mean that future FT governors will not be able to fire Circle? If not, then what is the point of them?

Anyone know?

Another comment made an equally pertinent point, which is that a ten year deal manes that the next government can do nothing at all about this. I predicted such a stitch up by the Tories some time ago and it’s no surprise that this is exactly what they’re doing.

 

As the Guardian reports this morning:

A private company, listed on the stock market, has been given the right to deliver a full range of hospital services for the first time in the history of the NHS, reigniting a debate about the use of business in the health sector.

Circle Healthcare, a John Lewis-style partnership valued at around £120m, will manage the debt-laden Hinchingbrooke hospital in Huntingdon, Cambridgeshire, from February after the government signed off on a decade-long contract on Wednesday.

But as the Bureau of Investigative Journalism reported in May:

[Circle's] accounts reveal a structure of fiendish complexity, with 49.9% of Circle’s shares held in the British Virgin Islands, and the remaining 50.1% in Jersey, although Circle says the Jersey arm “has recently been re-domiciled as a UK tax resident company”. The Jersey company’s accounts include six pages of related-party transactions.

UK tax resident does not mean UK incorporated, by the way.

As the Guardian also noted today:

However, Circle is viewed by ministers as a model “mutual” with 49% of its ownership in staff hands. It operates a scheme to allow more shares to be gained through a performance-related rewards system.

Well that may be a Tory view, but first of all this is not a mutual: it is 50.1% controlled by a private for profit company.

Second that ‘mutual’ bit is in the unaccountable, zero tax, regulation lite, British Virgin Islands where candidly anything can (and does) happen. Hardly ‘John Lewis like’, I suggest.

And third, I don’t want staff in any hospital managing for profit. That means they do three things:

a) Cut corners where there is no cash incentive applied to doing things. Care does not have cash incentives attached, nor do many services for the elderly, for example. It’s why we end up with consultants prescribing food and water which is otherwise not delivered;

b) Undertake too many procedures where there is a tariff payment - because this is how the hospital makes money – so look for an increase in operations in Huntingdon very soon;

c) Turns away cases where there is uncertainty and what is medically called ‘multiple comorbidity’ – or in other words the person is really sick, no one knows what is going on and it’s not clear what needs to be done so no payment is likely to be generated but sure as heck the person needs looking after.

That’s what will happen here.

Welcome to the National Heist Service, sponsored by Andrew Lansley: taking health care from the many for the benefit of the few.