From the Guardian this morning:

“Having set out his fiscal consolidation plan, it is important that chancellor George Osborne resist the temptation to engage in any significant net giveaway in the budget,” the IFS said in its green budget, produced jointly with Barclays Capital and Barclays Wealth and published this morning.

I think the identity of the sponsors says it all in this case.

That and the fact that the Institute for Fiscal Studies is, of course, inextricably linked to the Oxford Centre for the Non-Taxation of Business.

Neoliberals to the core, all of them, and utterly indifferent to a) reasoning b) rationality c) the reality of the economy d) the needs of real people e) the reality of democratic politics.

Update: I gather the IFS backed off from the harsh line of its backers when presenting its report. At least Stephanies Flanders (not wholly objective as a former IFS insider) said so on her blog.

 

I have found a redeeming feature in the Mirrlees recommendations.

They suggest the abolition of stamp duty on sales of domestic housing and the abolition of council tax.

And they suggested its replacement by a land value tax.

As far as I can tell this was the one coherent, progressive and logical moment of this whole morning and the only one that showed that the command of capital does create an obligation to pay a greater amount ion tax than those who do not share that extraordinary benefit.

I make the point deliberately: I am not being churlish about Mirrlees for the sake of it. I am being critical because most of what was said was logically inconsistent, ideologically driven and regressive in its nature, and I think, intent.

There is a strong case for an alternative review of taxation to counter Mirrlees from the left. And soon.

 

The Mirrlees report assumes that savings equal deferred consumption.

As such their whole approach to the tax of savings assumes that this is simply an issue of when to recognise income during a persons lifetime and so tax them.

Oh dear. Yet another false assumption. Our society does of course include many people who make savings with the view to undertaking future consumption – most especially through the saving of pensions. But this is a relatively small part of the overall savings market. The vast majority of people never undertake enough saving to accumulate any serious wealth. But serious wealth exists. And it is inherited, accumulated and largely unearned. This fact they utterly ignore.

But they do all they can to benefit those who own that wealth. They would like a system where all sums saved be exempt from tax. And that all sums withdrawn from savings be taxed. Because of the sheer absurdity of identifying what is and is not savings in this case they instead use this logic to argue that interest earned be wholly exempt from tax (a measure that in itself is, of course, designed, I presume deliberately, to increase the gap between the rich and the poor in this country by introducing a fundamentally regressive differential in the tax base).

Of course this looks fine in their model where there is no opening capital. But when there is opening capital – and massive amount of it – then the reliefs they suggest investment means that the capital of those who start the process with capital accumulates substantially faster than the capital of the person who has to save out of income alone. The differential can never be made up so divisions in society will increase. And I presume that is their intention. Because surely they did not fail to notice this?

 

The Mirrlees review has a number of assumptions on consumption taxes. The most important, it says, is that such taxes should only be charged on consumers.

It sounds so innocuous, doesn’t it? But think about it for a moment. What it is saying is this:

- No disallowable VAT for business. So, for example, banks should be able to recover all the VAT charged to them, which they can’t at present;

- No stamp duties for businesses – so no tax on their land dealings.

- The end of business rates.

- The end of taxes such as fuel duties, road fund licences and so much else to business.

No wonder business will like this. Here’s a massive boost for profits. This will redistribute enormously – a point they seem to utterly ignore thereafter in all their calculations on the distributional impacts of what they recommend.

Secondly, they argue that lower and VAT zero rates on necessities should be abolished – because they’re poor methods for redistributing. So let’s charge VAT on everything including food, water, reading materials, children’s clothes, and so much more. The argument is that redistribution can be better achieved through income taxes – a fact they do however assiduously ignore in their presentations on income tax where they do instead argue for a simpler profile of tax rates.

And they argue that in practice since over a lifetime income equals spending (again, indicating their willingness to entirely ignore the impact of capital ownership in the economy) so the fact that a low income household has a disadvantage in the VAT system they promote is not a problem because a) it will all work out all right in the end and anyway b) most low income households are only temporarily on low incomes – because they are students, for example – and so actually are living on their savings by choice and as such income is not a good guide to the capacity to spend.

I do seriously wonder whether these people have ever been out in the real world where people have no savings? I mean, one at all. Which is true of vast numbers of households in the UK.Not through any fault of their own – but because they do not earn enough to save – let alone make ends meet, week by week.

The callous indifference to this reality is staggering in the IFS proposal. And it is telling that apparently the only low income households they are aware of are students and the self employed having a dip in profits. That is all the presenter referred to!

Yes, I know they suggest some income redistribution to compensate for this extra VAT. I agree, that they do that. But there are conditions – not least being that a person qualifies and secondly claims. The VAT will apply to all. The take up of benefit claims is much lower.

As ever, the recommendations of this review are based on a false assumption – in this case the economist’s assumption that time is of no significance because the future can be discounted to the present in neoliberal thinking – and the complete lack of understanding of the reality of poverty in this country.

No wonder all rational people (using rationally as an indicator of wisdom rather than as an indicator of belief in neoliberal thinking) will see through the recommendations this report makes.

 

Amazingly, the opening presentation on the Mirrlees review this morning suggested that the fundamental cause of inequality in the UK is different opportunities for access to work.

Well, there’s no doubt that’s a factor. But this represents an extraordinary – and I suggest deliberate – blindness inherent in this review. Not once was it mentioned that one of the most obvious cause of inequality is the massive imbalance in the ownership of capital in the UK – and the impact that this has on opportunities to access work.

Is this simply the consequence of assuming that there is equal access to capital in some form of blind faith in the neoclassical model of economics –  which are a pre-requisite for the findings in this review?

Or is it a deliberate attempt to avoid the issue of the inequality of ownership of capital – which it seems throughout this review that they wish to ignore?