I wrote the following article for the Indian tax website Taxsutra, but I’ll share it here. It does, of course, consider India’s recent loss in its case against Vodafone:

The Supreme Court decision in the recent Vodafone case must be considered a body blow for Indian taxation, India as a whole and the necessary onslaught on tax haven abuse that I and many others are involved in.

First, it is important to note that this was always an unusual case: Vodafone was being sued for tax which it was said it should have withheld from a payment it made to Hutchison Essar Limited for a stake in that company’s Cayman subsidiary that in turn owned its Indian mobile phone operations. Vodafone did not, as a result, ever make a profit in this matter: it was being sued for tax that might have been due by a third party if that third party had made its gains in India. It did not make that gain in India for what might (to simplify matters) be considered a straightforward reason, and that was because it had ensured that ownership of the Hutchison Essar mobile phone network in India was not recorded in India at all, but in the Cayman Islands. The claim was Vodafone should have withheld the tax due on the capital gain as a result.

The ruling on this case is over 250 pages long and cannot all be considered in detail here. What is interesting to me is the discussion on whether the structure used by Hutchison was reasonable tax planning or an unreasonable arrangement subject to challenge by India. The principles on which this decision was made where all defined in English taxation law and effectively required comparison of three cases and the principles within them. Everything effectively turned on whether the legal form of the transaction in Cayman  should prevail or its substance in India should be taxed.

The first critical case considered was, as a result, the 1936 decision in what has become known as the Duke of Westminster case. In this now notorious decision the House of Lords defended the right of a person to arrange their affairs howsoever they wished so long as it was legal and there was, they said, nothing the tax authorities could do to challenge the outcome in that case. This is in turn built on an 1869 decision which confirmed that tax in the UK has to be charged in accordance with “law”[1] as a result of it being said in the House of Lards that:

If the person sought to be taxed comes within the letter of the law he must be taxed, however great the hardship may appear to the judicial mind to be. On the other hand, if the Crown, seeking to recover the tax, cannot bring the subject within the letter of the law, the subject is free, however apparently within the spirit of the law the case might otherwise appear to be. In other words, if there be admissible, in any statute what is called an equitable construction, certainly such a construction is not admissible in a taxing statute.

This was the issue at stake in the Westminster case, and this was the matter also at stake in the Ramsey and Dawson cases from the 1980s also discussed in the decision on Vodafone, both of which were considered to have to some degree over-turned the Westminster ruling (although with subsequent restrictions also being applied in the UK, it should be noted). The unfortunate fact is that the judge in this case has, I think, clearly favoured Westminster over Ramsey, calling the latter a simple ruling on interpretation and treating the former as being law. Given the facts of this case, and their relative similarity with Dawson, that is surprising, but it seems he refused to see beyond the law of contract and address the underlying issue as both Ramsey and Dawson allowed.

In that case his failure to interpret the law in what seems to me to be the correct way leads us straight into consideration of whether India now has need for a general anti-avoidance rule (GAAR).

If all tax were about one action and one consequence then tax law would be easy, and determining if tax law applied or not would generally be relatively straightforward. But some tax is not like that at all. Aggressive tax planning is about putting together a string of transactions, each legal in their own right (or they would not be tax avoidance but would become tax evasion) but with the series, in combination, achieving a result quite different from that which parliament might ever have intended. It is this unintended outcome in combination that a GAAR is designed to tackle, especially in those cases where, despite the best will of judges, there is nothing at all to make the resulting tax avoidance illegal.

Graham Aaranson QC has suggested the UK should have a limited form of GAAR. Personally, I would have liked him to go further: stopping the most egregious schemes a he suggests such a GAAR should be limited to is not, in my opinion, enough. I was consulted by Graham Aaronson during the course of his review.

What is more worrying is that I am not sure as yet that Aaranson’s tackled the biggest problem, internationally, with these GAARs, and that’s simply whether or not the judges will embrace them or not. In Australia they by and large have and so they’ve made some gains. In Canada the judges virtually refused to operate a GAAR. The result has been a GAAR that’s failed to deliver. All of which has always left me thinking that an essential component of a GAAR is a change to the basis on which tax law is interpreted from a legal (literal) basis to an equitable (common law) basis.

The Australians almost got there (but not for tax) a long time ago with their law of 1901[2] on legal interpretation which said:

In the interpretation of a provision of an Act, a construction that would promote the purpose or object underlying the Act (whether that purpose or object is expressly stated in the Act or not) shall be preferred to a construction that would not promote that purpose or object.

This seems to get to the very core of the problem in the Vodafone case. It seems to me that what we want our judges to do when looking at tax law is to assess the substance of the transaction and to ignore its form. The result has a massive advantage: it is about as comprehensible as most law can ever be. If the man on the Clapham Omnibus could see that the substance and form of the transaction were the same (an asset in India is sold and tax is payable in India) then they’d know they would have complied with the law. If the substance and form do not coincide i.e. an asset is sold in India and tax is payable, if at all, in Cayman, they’d know they were in trouble. What can be more certain that that?

Ancient law, designed in an age of steam ships, is crippling India as it is crippling other countries in the age of the internet. It’s time we changed these laws now. Only that way can we get tax justice – and that’s a situation where the right amount of tax (but no more) is paid in the right place at the right time where right means that the economic substance of the transactions undertaken coincides with the place and form in which they are reported for taxation purposes.

[1] Partington v. Attorney-General (1869), L.R. 4 E. & I. App. 100, per Lord Cairns at p. 122.

[2] Section 15 AA of the Acts Interpretation Act, 1901 downloaded  from  http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/consol_act/aia1901230/s15aa.html

 

Vodafone won its tax appeal in India yesterday, saving it a substantial tax bill that India had been claiming was due on its takeover of the Hutchinson mobile phone network in that country. The Economic Times of India has as good a comment on the implications of the case as could be made:

The Supreme Court has ruled that Indian tax authorities have no jurisdiction over Vodafone’s purchase of Hutchison’s interest in its mobile telephony joint venture in India with Essar, as the deal was executed through sale of a holding company registered in the Cayman Islands.

The ruling is a setback not only for India’s fight against tax havens but also for taxation in general. For, the court’s privileging of form over substance, maintaining the corporate veil, could lead to elaborate and extensive tax planning that results in enormous leakage of revenue.

The implication is clear. The judges are interpreting the law as it stands. India needs to rewrite its tax laws, to enable it to deal with commercial practice in a globalising world.

If every ABC Ltd operating in India is henceforth not to be owned through a holding company registered in some tax haven or the other, so as to permit acquisition by XYZ Ltd through its holding company registered in another tax haven without paying any capital gains tax, the language of tax law will have to make it clear that what counts is whether value accrues to the company changing ownership because of its economic activity in India.

Precisely so.

This was a transaction relating to Indian assets that India wanted to tax, and thought it could tax. But it was recorded ‘elsewhere’ in a tax haven structure. And the result is that the legal form of recording it ‘elsewhere’ has meant that Inida’s laws have been subverted and tax is not due. That’s the tax haven issue in a  nutshell.

Now it is time for the OECD, UN and others to agree how such abuse can be tackled so that transactions are not taxed where there form is but where their substance is. Because the cost to society otherwise will be enormous, as it is in this case where a developing country has lost out on resources it badly needs.

 

I‘ve noted the problems the Rev Lord Green’s had in the past with a spot of tax evasion in accounts run by his old bank.

Now I note the New York Times says today:

The world of offshore tax havens gained a surprising new contender on Thursday when the Justice Department asked a federal court for permission to force HSBC, the London-based bank, to turn over the names of wealthy Indian-American clients suspected of evading taxes through offshore accounts at the bank’s affiliate in India.

But it’s OK. The Rev Green is now a Lord and a minister for trade and industry in the Conservatiove government.

So let’s not worry about what happened on his old patch, eh?

 

I thought this significant:

Amid mounting pressure from the Supreme Court over the issue of black money, the government is preparing to turn the heat on MNCs as efforts to bring back money stashed overseas by resident individuals have run into legal hurdles. India is set to tighten rules for multinational companies that shift hefty profits to offshore group firms to escape tax.

MNCs and transnational companies enter into a series of transactions to move funds to their arms in tax havens and other jurisdictions where the income tax rates are significantly lower than India. This is done by MNCs buying services from their arm in India at less than the market price or fair value and selling it at a higher price outside, thereby booking profits outside the country. Such ‘transfer prices’ between ‘related parties’ are used to shift profits out of India.

An internal panel, set up by the government ahead of the Budget to review the transfer pricing regulation, has recommended a more robust legal framework to end the practice of MNCs mis-pricing products and services.

Unfortunately that’s in India – not here, where George Osborne is doing the exact opposite.

Strange that, isn’t it?

 

The following comes from the blog of ‘Tony, The Prof’ in Jersey, and seems highly pertinent, following in the wake of news that despite much prior trumpeting that it would happen Jersey failed to sign a tax information exchange agreement with India last week when an official delegation from the island was in the country.

The question really is – why did India send Jersey packing – because that’s what seemd to have happened. Might it be that they saw through the charade of a tax information exchange agreement Jersey put on offer?

The JEP reported [last week] that “TREASURY Minister Philip Ozouf today declined to comment on why the signing of an historic tax agreement with India had been called off. The signing of this tax information exchange agreement was due to be the centrepiece of the current trade mission to Mumbai and Delhi, which has been months in the planning. Senator Ozouf was expected to put his signature to it today, alongside the Indian Minister of State from Revenue SS Shri Palanimanickam at the Ministry of Finance, in the capital of the sub-continent. However, the ceremony was called off and the document is having to be redrafted, apparently because Indian officials were not happy with what it said.” (1)

It is clear from press released before this occurred that this was to be one of the planned highlights of the trip to India. Indeed, it is described in one report as the “culmination” of the trip, which is why no doubt Senator Ozouf went off on this trip rather than the Economic Development Minister, Alan Maclean. After all, when he was Economic Development Minister, it was Senator Ozouf rather than the Treasury Minister Terry le Sueur who jetted off to the Far East:

A Jersey delegation consisting of States of Jersey Ministers, the Director-General of the Jersey Financial Services Commission and representatives of Jersey’s finance industry arrived in India on 13th March for a five day visit designed to highlight and promote the new Jersey Finance representation in Mumbai and Delhi and which willculminate in the signing of the TIEA on 18th March. The signing of the TIEA is an important step in facilitating business flows between Jersey and India and demonstrates Jersey’s commitment to operating within the highest international standards. The move will take the total number of similar agreements Jersey has signed to 21, including agreements with countries such as the USA, UK, France, Germany and China. (2)

Jersey finance is playing this down as a “delay”. Now I can’t see how “refuse to sign” gets turned into “delay”, but that’s the new message coming from Geoff Cook, which contradicts the earlier “culmination”, and puts the blame in the hands of back office officials. And didn’t it “take months in the planning”?

Jersey Finance, the body responsible for promoting Jersey’s finance industry, has said that the delay in signing a Tax Information Exchange Agreement (TIEA) with India will not have an impact on business flows between Jersey and India or planned future growth. Responding to news of the delayed signing, Jersey Finance CEO, Geoff Cook, said: “TIEA’s take a number of months to prepare and so it is understandable that on this occasion the formal signing could not be completed to coincide with our visit to India marking the introduction of permanent Jersey Finance representative in the country. We have every confidence that the agreement will soon be in place and when it is, the platform for growing business between Jersey and India will be strengthened further.”(3)

But there is a more obvious reason for this happening. India, according to the Economic Times of India, is looking for more teeth to the TIEAs. In 2010, this report was published:

New Delhi is expected to present a detailed paper on the issue at the forthcoming Seoul meeting, urging that domestic laws of countries must support such agreements for effective information exchange. “These agreements should ensure that there is actual flow of information and benefits for countries entering them (agreements) in checking evasion,” said a finance ministry official privy to the discussions. In some countries, for instance, domestic laws relating to privacy protection tend to come in the way of sharing information with other countries, defeating the very purpose of such pacts.(4)

And in February 19 2011 – this year, the same paper notes that:

NEW DELHI: India will seek strong action by the Group of Twenty (G20) nations against tax havens as it feels any unilateral action can act as a deterrent against foreign investment. “Multilateral action is more effective,” a finance ministry official said, ahead of the meeting of G20 finance ministers and central bankers in Paris. India also wants improvement in the quality of information that is shared under TIEAs to make such agreements more meaningful. India will urge the G20 to pressure tax havens into revealing more information on black money from India, the official added.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s government is under pressure to bring back illicit funds stashed abroad, but finds itself facing jurisdictions with which it has little leverage. A report by Washington-based think-tank Global Financial Integrity (GFI) puts such fund flows at about $16 billion a year from 2002-2006. “Any form of curbs on a country cannot work at unilateral level, as such an action can discourage foreign investments,” the official said. India has already made a strong pitch for tax information exchange agreements (TIEAs) with greater teeth at the G20 to facilitate a meaningful exchange of information on fund flows and monies parked in such jurisdictions.(5)

It is unclear exactly what this entails, but it is likely that it means more than signing to the standard clauses on TIEAs, which guard against any fishing expeditions. Interesting the recently signed agreement between India and the Bahamas has all the usual stuff, about needing the name of the individual, and what is being investigated, but also has this interesting Article 6 on Tax Examinations abroad, which might be the point at issue in the drafting and approval of the Jersey TIEA. It certainly seems to have more bite than just requests for information:

Article 6: Tax Examinations Abroad

1. At the request of the competent authority of the requesting Party, the requested Party may allow representatives of the competent authority of the requesting Party to enter the territory of the requested Party, to the extent permitted under its domestic laws, to interview individuals and examine records with the prior written consent of the individuals or other persons concerned. The competent authority of the requesting Party
shall notify the competent authority of the requested Party of the time and place of the intended meeting with the individuals concerned.

2. At the request of the competent authority of the requesting Party, the requested Party may allow representatives of the competent authority of the requesting Party to be present at the appropriate part of a tax examination in the requested Party, in which case the competent authority of the requested Party conducting the examination shall, as soon as possible, notify the competent authority of the requesting Party about the
time and place of the examination, the authority or official designated to carry out the examination and the procedures and conditions required by the requested Party for the conduct of the examination. All decisions with respect to the conduct of the tax examination shall be made by the Party conducting the examination. [6]

Links
(1) http://www.thisisjersey.com/2011/03/18/indian-officials-refuse-to-sign-tax-agreement/#ixzz1HAlW5Qqc
(2) http://www.ameinfo.com/259611.html
(3) http://www.jerseyfinance.je/News/Delay-to-TIEA-signing-with-India-will-not-affect-business-opportunities-say-Jersey-Finance/
(4) http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/finance/India-likely-to-pitch-for-deeper-tax-information-exchange-at-G-20-meet/articleshow/6136834.cms
(5) http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/7525591.cms?prtpage=1
(6) http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf/vContentW/MOF–Tax+Information+Exchange+Agreements–TIEA+attachments/$FILE/India%20Bahamas%20TIEA%2011%20February%202011.pdf

Reproduced with permission

 

India is beginning to take the threat tax havens pose to it very seriously, partly because of the work my friends at Global Financial Integrity have done in exposing the enormous costs to India of tax haven abuse.

The Hindu Business Line reports just how seriously the issue is being taken in the 2011 budget:

Transactions with entities in ‚Äònon-cooperative’ jurisdictions that do not effectively exchange information with India may soon attract TDS (tax deduction at source) of at least 30 per cent.

This is one of the several ‚Äòanti-avoidance’ measures that the Finance Minister, Mr Pranab Mukherjee, has proposed in Budget 2011-12, to discourage residents from transacting with entities in ‚Äònon-cooperative’ jurisdictions.

Through the Budget, Mr Mukherjee has sought to put in place a “toolbox of counter measures,” against those jurisdictions that hesitate or do not want to enter into tax information exchange agreement (TIEA) with India. The Budget empowers the Centre to notify such jurisdictions.

Besides stipulating a stiff TDS rate, the Budget has also proposed that such transactions would be deemed to be an international transaction and attract transfer pricing regulations.

Also, payments made to any financial institution in such jurisdictions would be allowed as deduction for tax purposes only if an assessee furnishes an authorisation to the tax department to allow the Indian tax authorities seek relevant information from the financial institution.

The Finance Bill, 2011 has also proposed that no deduction (for tax purposes) in respect of any other expenditure or allowance (including depreciation) arising from a transaction with a person located in that jurisdiction would be allowed unless the assessee maintains other documents and furnishes information as may be prescribed.

Moreover, if a resident were to receive money from such jurisdiction, then the onus is on the assessee to explain “satisfactorily” the source of such money. Otherwise, the amount would be deemed as income of the assessee.

This is a very welcome range of measures. They look robust. The messaging is clear. Cheats will be tackled.

I warm;y welcome this approach. It should be adopted in the UK and elsewhere. If it was tax haven cheating would reduce in scale, rapidly, if (and it’s a big if) sufficient resource was dedicated to policing the activity and banks were made liable for facilitating transactions that may be in breach of the regulations.

 

According to a report in India:

Tax havens like Mauritius with which India has a tax treaty or Bermuda, shield a staggering $225 billion in unpaid taxes a year, according to Girish Vanvari, Executive Director at KPMG for M & A Tax. The US alone loses $60 billion a year.

I have no idea where the figure comes from – indeed it looks suspiciously like a misquote of TJN’s $255 billion, but it’s good to see KPMG accepting the scale of the problem.