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Who are you kidding?

February 13th, 2007

I’m told I was in Le Monde this weekend, being quoted about Bono. But what added a touch of irony was that on the opposite page was an advert for the new ‘tax heaven’ (paradis fiscaux) of Macedonia. I can’t find an on-line version of the ad, so I’ve made it available here and I’m sure they won’t mind; it’s simply a synopsis of their web site.

Ignore for a minute some of the absurd factual claims in the ad. Just look at the CIA fact book to see they don’t stack. Concentrate on the tax instead. It’s a fiscal heaven, they say. But then look on the web site for discussion of labour costs and note that they say:

An educated and qualified labor force is available to investors in Macedonia. The average gross monthly salary is 370 Euros, out of which 220 Euros are net salary, and the remaining 150 Euros are for payroll taxes.

Which looks like an effective tax rate of over 40% on annual income of £3,100 in Macedonia. When the investor will be paying nothing what sort of labour relations is that going to create?

The reality is that this is no low tax state. This is a desperate state. So why invest? No doubt that’s what Macedonia asked of itself before making such an absurd investment proposition. And I suspect anyone with any sense has failed to find an answer. The reason’s simple. Tax competition is the badge of a failed state. That’s what Macedonia is promoting. I feel really sorry that someone sold them such a bad deal.

Richard Murphy Development, Economics, Flat tax, Tax Havens

There is no myth about the Tax Gap - it’s real

February 2nd, 2007

The Wall Street Journal published an editorial on 30 January (hidden behind their subscription wall) in which they challenged the assumption, inherent in recent Senate hearings, that tackling the Tax gap is a good idea. According to reports, the WSJ says:

The problem is that most of the financial and social costs [of tackling the Tax gap] end up being borne by those who already dutifully pay their taxes, in the name of catching the few who evade the law.

It apparently goes on to say:

The more complicated a tax system, the more likely taxpayers won’t understand, or will try to dodge, the rules. Simple tax regimes, such as a single flat rate, encourage compliance and efficiency, not to mention economic growth. This has been the experience of many Eastern European countries after they imposed a flat tax, and the United States had similar jumps in reported tax income from “the rich” following the 1986 tax reform that cut rates and closed loopholes.

This is nonsense. Taxpayers will dodge the rules whatever they are. As a spokesperson for Moore Stephens said in the UK in 2005:

No matter what legislation is in place, the accountants and lawyers will find a way around it. Rules are rules, but rules are meant to be broken.

I wish it weren’t true, but right now I believe that this is too common to accept the WSJ argument. And the rest of their ideas on flat tax are debunked by the IMF, amongst others. Eastern Europe has recovered as its come out of chaos: no more.

So what’s the real WSJ agenda? I’m afraid it’s to support tax competition, which its supporters claim to be a process where :

individuals can choose among jurisdictions with different levels of taxation when deciding where to work, save, and invest. This ability to avoid high-tax nations makes it more difficult for governments to enforce confiscatory tax burdens. In effect, tax competition pressures politicians to be fiscally responsible in order to attract economic activity (or to keep economic activity from fleeing to a lower-tax environment).

Note what this means though:

  1. Tax havens are good, although they can only work in secrecy and usually involve the use of criminal tax evasion practices;
  2. Secrecy is itself paramount - which places a higher value on individual property rights than government property rights, which is inappropriate;
  3. Inefficient markets are best, because this secrecy favours multinational companies over domestic ones, and old companies over new ones;
  4. The wealthy are favoured, since you cannot benefit from this process if you are not.

Nor has anyone ever proven the claims made, which are counterintuitive given these requirements - even of market theory in neoclassical economics, of which this theory is anyway a logical distortion since the assumptions required to make it work cannot and do not hold true in practice.

So, anyone who says the tax gap is a myth is actually saying that the tax evaders who criminally free-ride the world’s economy, ably assisted by the suppliers of corruption services, should be allowed to carry on. I’m sorry: I think that’s criminal.

Richard Murphy Economics, Ethics, Flat tax

The Economist on flat tax

January 23rd, 2007

A surprisingly well balanced review of the current state of flat taxes is to be found in last week’s Economist. It concludes:

On balance, it would seem that the flat-tax revolution is more likely than not to slow, and even reverse eventually, as the income gap between western and east-central Europe narrows.

In other words, the phenomena is a simple one that has been required to assist the transition from disorder to order, but has nothing to offer developed economies. That may well be true.

Richard Murphy Flat tax

The IMF and Flat Tax

October 12th, 2006

Thee IMF has issued a new report on flat tax. Entitled ‘The “Flat Tax(es)”: Principles and Evidence‘ he report has been written by Mick Keen, Kevin Kim and Ricardo Varsano at the IMF.

I’m immensely pleased to see this report come out. There is probably no one better to lead write it than Mick Keen, a former professor at Essex University and a leading thinker in this area. The report says:

Discussion of these quite radical reforms has been marked, however, more by assertion and rhetoric than by analysis and evidence.

It continues:

Several lessons emerge:

- there is no sign of Laffer-type behavioral responses generating revenue increases from the tax cut elements of these reforms;

- their impact on compliance is theoretically ambiguous, but there is evidence for Russia that compliance did improve [although] there is no firm evidence that it was due to parametric tax reform rather than to changes in enforcement occurring around the same time;

- the distributional effects of the flat taxes are not unambiguously regressive, and in some cases they may have increased progressivity, including through the impact on compliance;

- adoption of the flat tax has not resolved common challenges in taxing capital income;

- and it may have strengthened, not weakened, the automatic stabilizers.

It’s also important to note that the report found no clear evidence that flat taxes simplified tax systems, which supports my own findings earlier this year. And it concludes:

Looking forward, the question is not so much whether more countries will adopt a flat tax as whether those that have will move away from it.

I think this correct.

I’m also pleased to note a particular comment. On page 16 the authors note that for some people:

If government can somehow be restricted to using only a single marginal tax rate, then this will limit the amount of revenue it can raise; and hence the amount of damage that government can do. While this argument is rarely made explicit, opponents perceive this point keenly: Murphy (2006), for instance, argues on these grounds that the flat tax “…is in effect an attack on the whole structure of the society we live in.”

Yes, that Murphy is me. I am pretty confident that the authors share my view.

Richard Murphy Flat tax

Ukraine - shattering those flat tax myths

October 6th, 2006

There was a fascinating story in the Kyiv Post yesterday (and yes, it always surprise me quite what it’s possible to find on the Internet). The Ukraine is, of course, one of the so-called ‘flat tax’ states. It’s had a 13% flat tax since 2004. But all is not well.

First of all, the rate is going up to 15% in 2007. Second, and more importantly, as the paper says:

As a result of Ukraine’s still complicated and cumbersome tax system - often cited as a major reason why foreign investors avoid the country - specialists say that employers continue to declare lower official salaries to the authorities for tax purposes while paying their employees higher salaries under the table.

Which somewhat shatters two myths. The first is that flat taxes simplify things, and the second is that they end tax avoidance. Far from it, it seems. The explanation is obvious:

According to Ukraine’s tax legislation, employers currently pay 36 percent of their employees’ salaries to a social fund used for pensions, workers compensation, etc. In addition, employers contribute to a social insurance fund, the rate of which varies from 0.67 percent to 2.5 percent.

As a result, employers currently pay up to 51 percent of their employees’ salaries [in direct taxes], and starting in January, that rate will be as high as 53 percent, according to Ksenya Lyapina, the head of the Council of Entrepreneurs under the Cabinet of Ministers.

“Therefore, they [employers] prefer to pay low salaries officially, and market-based salaries in envelopes,” she said, adding that the 2 percent tax increase is unlikely to affect what people are paid in the workplace.

“It’s well known that people really have incomes double those that are declared,” she said.

So, no flat tax miracle there then. Which is exactly as I predicted in my report on flat taxes for the ACCA.

Richard Murphy Flat tax

High tax states are competitive

October 4th, 2006

The World Economic Forum has reported that Switzerland, Sweden and Finland are the most competitive economies in the world. According to a report on Tax News.Com:


The Global Competitiveness Report 2006-2007, released Tuesday, said that Switzerland and the Nordic countries topped this year’s global ranking due to their sound institutions, competent macroeconomic management, world-class education systems, and focus on technology and innovation.

These factors, according to Augusto Lopez-Claros, Chief Economist and Director of the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Network, combine to form a “successful strategy for boosting competitiveness in an increasingly complex global economy”.

“Business activity in these countries benefits from a well-developed institutional framework, characterized by the rule of law, an efficient judicial system and high levels of transparency and accountability within public institutions. Excellent infrastructure is an additional positive feature of the business environment,” Lopez-Claros said.

Hmmm. You’ll note that all those things require strong government, high taxes and a willingness to use public revenues for the well being of society as a whole.

Forbes has noticed this too. It places Sweden 4th and Finland 14th in its tax misery index, and Switzerland is by no means a low tax state for those who live there. Now it has to be said that the Forbes tax misery index is just about the most spurious statistical survey ever produced, but yet again the myth that high tax means low competitiveness and low levels of enterprise is shattered. As if evidence were needed, Ireland - the supposed ‘Celtic Tiger’ - came in at 21st on the WEF index whilst the East European flat tax states did even worse.

Enough said, I think.


Richard Murphy Flat tax, Ireland, Tax management

Why flat tax is a non-starter

September 12th, 2006

Someone asked me to write a brief piece on why flat taxes would not work, so I did. And I thought I’d share it. This is what I wrote:

The flat tax debate in the UK is a non-starter for five reasons. Firstly, flat tax is not simple. Apart from simplifying the calculation of the actual tax due no other complication in the UK tax system would be removed by the introduction of flat tax, whatever people say. For example, accounts would still have to be prepared.

Secondly, flat tax does not ease the admin burden of tax. 84% of people in Estonia have to submit tax returns. Only 16% do in the UK.

Thirdly, flat taxes would only help the poor by a tiny amount (maybe £200 a year). But given that national insurance rates of 30% are common in flat tax countries even that may be an illusion. In fact, in reality only the rich would benefit from a flat tax in the UK. Middle England would suffer badly and that would be electoral suicide.

Fourthly, because of inevitable increased national insurance rates there would be no additional incentives to employ people or to work. In which case there is no chance of the economic boom flat taxers promise. And logically why should that happen when at least 90% of people would be worse off and so have less to spend under a flat tax?

Finally, there’s no way a government could balance its books if a flat tax were to be introduced at any reasonable rate. But that exposes what this is all about. It’s not about tax at all. It’s simply about seeking to undermine the role of the state. And as the people of Britain show at election after election, they want state education, health, transport and all the other things which flat tax would deny them.

Which is why flat tax is a non-starter.

Richard Murphy Flat tax

How Rowntree could have tackled the tax issues of concern

August 24th, 2006

I’ve been in discussion with several people about my post on the Joseph Rowntree’s flat tax report, and have been challenged to say what I  would have done if them. That is relatively easy to do.

Their work recognises something I, and all serious researchers in this area know - which is that the highest marginal rates of tax in the UK fall on the poorest in our society. What is more, they pay very high overall levels of tax. This is because of the unjust combination of direct, indirect and council taxes  and the withdrawal of tax credits and other benefits as income increases. This problem needs to be tackled. But their report does not, I think, suggest the right way to go about it.

First of all, combining the tax and national insurance systems looks attractive, but in that case serious attention has to be given to the additional tax burden this would create for the elderly who are not liable to pay national insurance. Unless this is tackled any combination is politically and socially unacceptable.

Secondly, if tax credits are, in effect, to be included in the tax system then it has to be ensured that this is done in such a way that those they are meant to benefit win from that change. That is unlikely to be the case if the ‘tax wedge’ for those who are poorly paid and at the margins of employment is as high as 37%. This ‘tax wedge’ is quite acceptable in the UK for those on high pay; indeed, it is lower than the liability currently due for most higher paid employees, and as surveys have shown, such rates are no disincentive to work or tax compliance. The answer in that case is obvious. Any simplification, if it is desirable has to be on the basis of progressive rates of tax.

And let me be quite clear, progressive rates of tax are not a complication in the tax system. Calculating tax due is simple arithmetic. Calculating taxable income is the hard bit. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation are seeking to tackle the hard bit; their error is in thinking that somehow fixed marginal rates of tax are a part of this process. They are not.

More work is needed to develop their thinking, which might be well worth doing. But that thinking would need to look at the impact of using variable rates of tax to ensure that the benefits of change went to those who really need them, who are the poor, or as the related IFS report shows (and which fact was ignored by all those who have reported the issue), the rich will be the only sure winners. That cannot be allowed.

Richard Murphy Flat tax

Joseph Rowntree and Flat Tax - an exercise in naive thinking

August 22nd, 2006

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation have brought out a report on flat tax. The right wing of British politics are rubbing their hands with glee. And I’m not surprised. Despite some input from the Institute of Fiscal Studies this is a pretty poor piece of work.

Just three references are cited other than the IFS data on which the conclusions are based, and one of those is from a postgraduate student who claimed he was an Oxford academic whilst doing a period of study there, in the meantime producing an undergraduate quality (i.e. naive and simplistic) paper for the Adam Smith Institute. Anyone who buys that as authoritative is, I am afraid to say, ill informed on this subject.

But worse than that, this paper is also naive. Why? because the paper recognises that no one could introduce a flat tax at 37% in the UK, but does none the less seriously discuss its impact and suggests it would be good for the poor.

Well, on the criteria it uses so it might be. But, I stress the point about the criteria used. These can only really be found by looking at the associated Institute for Fiscal Studies report, which has received almost no attention. This tested four options, which I paraphrase as follows, all of which are meant to be revenue neutral:

1. Flat-rate income tax of 24%. The tax-free personal allowance is kept at its current level of £5,035 per year.

2. Flat-rate income tax and NICs including increasing the rate that applies above the current upper earnings limit (UEL) from 1% to the full rate on all income. The extra revenue generated by abolishing the UEL allows the flat income tax rate to fall to 22%, coincidentally the same as the current basic rate. In this option, income tax and NICs in combination produce a flat marginal rate of 33%.

3. Flat-rate income tax with universal tax credits. This option takes seriously the idea that tax credits are part of the income tax system, and flattens their combined rate structure. Instead of the current system, we flatten tax credits into a single tax/withdrawal rate. Thus each family is allocated a tax credit that is equal to their maximum eligibility under the current system. The personal allowance is raised slightly from the current level of £5,035 to £5,220, the point at which tax credits currently start to be withdrawn, to avoid creating losers among the working poor, and we estimate the flat tax rate at 37%.

4. Flat-rate income tax and NICs with universal tax credits. This combines options 2 and 3: the tax credit means test is integrated into the income tax rate, and the NICs rate schedule is also flattened, allowing the flat tax rate to fall to 35%.Thus there is a flat combined marginal rate of income tax, tax credits and NICs of 46% for contracted-in employees, whereas under option 3 the rate is 48% below the UEL and 38% above it.

The claimed benefits for the poor only happen in options 3 and 4. Before that they find exactly as I did on my survey of flat taxes for the ACCA. Under options 1 and 2 everyone bar the top 10% of income earners lose from a flat tax. The rich benefit enormously. And let’s be clear, no one is taking flat taxes of 37%, let alone 46% seriously. Especially on income of just over £5,000 per annum, as proposed here.

So this study proves that flat taxes always benefit the rich and that the tax system cannot be used in this way to benefit the poor. But the Joseph Rowntree Foundation have allowed their name to be used to promote flat taxes, when their survey shows they will do harm if they were to be introduced at any rate that is politically feasible.

As I said, I’m afraid I think that naive on their part. I hope they work hard to rectify the damage they have done.

Richard Murphy Flat tax

Is a flat tax the best way forward for Europe?

August 11th, 2006

Many accountants are attracted to the idea of a flat tax. The most common form of that tax, and the one most often referred to in the press is that created by Alvin Rabuska and Robert Hall. However, to understand flat tax it is necessary to explain four myths that lead to one truth - which is that it is anything but simple because it is nothing like what it claims to be. 

The first myth is that Robert Hall and Alvin Rabushka created a viable tax system when they published their books on flat tax. They did not. It is not even clear that they sought to achieve that aim. What they did do was propose a flat tax that would replace all income taxes, corporation taxes, capital gains taxes and inheritance taxes. That flat tax would be charged on just two things. The first was income from employment in the country where the tax was to be charged. No deductions bar a personal allowance would be allowed against that taxable income from domestic employment. The second chargeable source of income would be the cash flow surplus of businesses arising within the country in which the tax was to be charged but with no relief being provided for interest paid; this supposedly (but not actually) resulting in a tax charge at source on interest received by individuals.

The result is an extraordinarily narrow tax base, especially when a low rate of tax is to be used. Hall & Rabushka proposed 19%. It is narrower still when it is appreciated that no tax of any sort would be applied to investment income, private pensions and all income from overseas, all of which would be exempt from tax.

The last point is the most significant. This is because tax planners seek to do two things. The first is to take an income stream out of tax. The second is to offset as many expenses against income as possible if the first option proves impossible to achieve. Hall and Rabushka might claim that their tax abolishes tax reliefs, which when combined with low taxes would, they claim, bring an end to almost tax planning, but that is obviously untrue. Their logic is only applicable to the second type of tax planning. Their flat tax does in fact openly encourage the first type of planning, which all accountants prefer. It does this by allowing any employee who wished to set themselves up as an offshore company to supply their services to immediately create a totally tax free environment for themselves. In addition, companies who could shift their income recognition outside the country where the flat tax might be applied could do the same. With numerous tax havens now offering zero percent tax rates it is clear that the Hall & Rabushka tax scheme was either designed by people who knew little about tax or how tax planning works and the consequent need for anti-avoidance measures to prevent abuse of tax systems, or their intent was to facilitate these practices and to encourage the resulting loss of income to governments. I assume Hall & Rabushka understand tax. The second objective is consistent with Rabushka’s stated aims, and therefore seems likely.

This fact has been appreciated by those countries that have adopted what have been called ‘flat taxes’, which leads us to the second myth. This myth is that these countries do in fact have flat taxes. The simple fact is that not one of those countries has a tax system that comes close to the Hall & Rabushka model of a flat tax. In a recent survey of flat taxes in Eastern Europe I found that none of those countries taxed business on a cash flow basis, and none offered 100% allowances for capital expenditure in the year in which investment took place. In addition, all charged the worldwide income of companies registered in their territory to tax, as they did their resident citizens. Several, including Russiadid not even have a single income tax rate. Only two (Slovakia and Romania) had the same income and corporation tax rates, although Rabushka thinks this essential to a proper flat tax system, whilst all also had extensive systems of allowances and reliefs for individuals and rules on tax accounting that made many currently in use in the UK loom positively simple in comparison. Some, such as Estonia had extensive controlled foreign company rules for individuals and all had complex rules for taxing benefits in kind, an issue all flat tax proponents have failed to address appropriately. Because of the complexity of their tax system 84% of Estonians submit tax returns. Just 16% do in the UK.

Put simply, the evidence that these countries have flat taxes does not exist. At best it might be said that some of them have single rate income tax systems, but that is far removed from being the flat tax system Hall & Rabushka propose. None the less, Rabushka and his supporters, such as former USpresidential candidate Steve Forbes, claim that these states have seen massive benefits accrue from the adoption of their single rate income tax systems. This is the third myth of flat taxes, because this claim is not supported by the available evidence.

It is true that some countries have increased their tax revenues since introducing flat taxes. However, as the most authoritative study on this whole subject by Ivanova, Keen and Klemm has shown, in the case of Russia this increase in revenue was almost certainly attributable to economic growth, better tax collection and enhanced tax compliance by those least affected by the introduction of the 13% income tax rate in that country. It did not result from enhanced output by those who obtained the benefit of the tax cuts, contrary to the claimed supply side growth stimulus that those who support flat taxes suggest results from its introduction. Other countries, such as Slovakia and Romania have also seen revenue increases, but in indirect taxes such as VAT and not from the direct taxes which the reforms affected, again suggesting enhanced tax collection regimes gave rise to the increased revenues. Any reasonable review makes such a conclusion seem likely. Indeed, the CIA Factbook said of Georgiabefore it introduced a flat tax that it “suffered from a chronic failure to collect tax revenues, however, the new government is making progress in reforming the tax code, enforcing taxes, and cracking down on corruption.” This was commonplace in most of the so-called flat tax states, and since (thankfully) tax evasion on this scale is not commonplace in Western Europe it is highly unlikely that the trend can be reproduced in those countries.

This brings us to the final myth, which is that most tax payers will benefit from a flat tax, but the rich will hardly do so at all. This is not true. I have shown that data used by Richard Teather to support this claim in the UK in his work for the Adam Smith Institute was inappropriate for the purpose for which it was used and as such all conclusions drawn from it were misleading. In fact, in the UK a flat tax would always make middle income earners in the range from £25,000 to about £70,000 of earnings per annum worse off. Those earning lower sums might benefit by a small amount. Those earning above that range would benefit substantially; those in the top decile of income earners being likely to benefit by more than £8,000 per annum. The same pattern has been found in surveys in the Netherlands, Germany and Denmark. It is also a feature of flat taxes in Eastern Europe where those who have to work to earn a living suffer the effects of national insurance rates much higher than those found in Western Europe, including a top rate of 48.6% in Slovakia. Put simply, flat taxes shift income from middle income earners to the best off in society.

In summary, the evidence is clear. Hall and Rabushka’s flat tax is not credible as a tax system, and no one has used it. Those who claim to have flat taxes have not in practice got anything like the system described by that name, and the economic benefits they have claimed from the use of the systems they have introduced are overstated with the cause being wrongly attributed. And a flat tax system in the UK would be wholly unworkable because most middle income earners would be substantially worse off.

Having shattered the myths about flat tax, what is the truth? That is simpler to explain and is that the flat tax system is not intended to be a credible tax system. It has two purposes. The first is to undermine the role of government in society by denying it the revenue it needs to undertake those tasks we are accustomed to it fulfilling. As Alvin Rabushka told me when interviewed for my research:

“We should get rid of welfare programmes, we need to have purely private pensions and get rid of state sponsored pensions. We need private schools and private hospitals and private roads and private mail delivery and private transportation and private everything else. You know government shouldn’t be doing any of that stuff.”

The second task that flat taxes are designed to do is shift the tax burden from capital to labour. This it would do, very effectively. By providing ample opportunities for avoidance almost all corporate income and that of many higher paid employees who could shift their earnings overseas will join all investment income, capital gains and gifts in the tax free category of income. This leaves the intention of this tax clear as an unambiguous attempt to shift the burden of tax onto lower paid labour whilst denying that group in society the benefits it has customarily enjoyed from centre-ground governments.

Richard Murphy Flat tax, Tax management