Will Hutton made an interesting point in the Observer yesterday:

Fewer than 150,000 jobs are directly involved in the making of [1.4 million cars and more than 3 million engines in the UK each year] and the numbers have been gently falling for years as modern production techniques transform productivity. Tata is building a new engine plant in Wolverhampton that will be a world leader in low-carbon engines; it might create 750 jobs.

I discussed this phenomena in detail in a recent article on the new economics of social democracy, here but the way Hutton presents the argument makes it easy to draw the conclusions in a different way.

When Henry Ford built his car plant he realised that unless the product he made was cheap enough for the workers to buy then there was no point in building it: there was no market to supply. This was the basis of Fordism.

Now we can build cars with fewer and fewer people. Indeed we can build anything with fewer people, and although we might make more ‘stuff’ the number of people involved is still falling steadily.  As a result even though those remaining people engaged on such work are well paid their share of the total reward from manufacturing is falling and profits are rising as a share of GDP. That’s what happens when productivity reaches such extraordinary peaks.

The consequences of such productivity are only now becoming apparent though. The pressure and ability to consume despite stagnant or falling real wage shares was, of course, fuelled by the finance sector that promoted debt to fill the gap in demand as overall wages fell and profits grew as a result of this obvious fact. But that has proved unsustainable: the model of consumption based on personal debt growth is dying.

But with the close of that model of consumer capitalism two other things are happening. The consumer is no longer spending: growth has disappeared; the growth that has underpinned our current model of capitalism has gone. And there is no prospect of that consumer returning when the universal reaction to debt management issues in the public and private sectors alike is to cut spending. The inevitable result is that jobs in services are being decimated: 50% yout unemployment in Spain is the obvious result. It is more than 20% in the UK.

We’ve forgotten the lesson of Ford. Being able to make something is not enough. Unless someone wants to but the product then the technical ability to produce it is in very many cases pointless. And to make sure people want what can be produced they must have jobs, and jobs that pay well enough for them to afford what the market wants to offer them to buy. Those jobs either come from the production process itself or by redistributing the surplus – usually arising in the form of rent – from that production process. Those rents, on skills, on the use of resources, on the compartmentalisation of risk and so much more, belong to society but they’re not being shared now. Instead they’re being captured by the few who aren’t paying tax and whose wealth is not trickling down.

So right now we’re demanding production at the same time as we’re demanding a cut in the number of producers and a cut in the number with the resources to buy what is being produced. The consequence is inevitable: this model will fail. We’ve forgotten Ford and the need to create markets. Instead we’re now intent on destroying them.

I’m not saying Ford’s idea of production was entirely right: there are limits to growth. But we’ll discover those limits a lot sooner if we do not ensure that people have the capacity to buy what business has to offer, and our current model of capitalism matched with the political thinking of those who are the supposed strongest supporters of that model guarantees a dearth of consumers. In combination it’s a giant suicide note for our current economic model. No wonder we need alternatives waiting in the wings.

 

IPPR produced a report on globalisation last week. With a forward by Lord Mandelson the report was written by Will Straw and Alex Glennie.

I admit I don’t agree with either Mandelson or Straw; they have a political perspective I don’t always share but this report has merit to it, as others have also noted since its publication. It represents a clear change of heart on Peter Mandelson’s part, and that I welcome.

The report is especially strong on the need for corporate tax reform. Having noted that profits are rising as a trend t also notes that there is a steady fall in corporate tax receipts as a proportion of profits and realises this is an issue that has to be addressed. It dismisses the alternative to corporate tax proposed by Oxford University and Mirrlees, which is a form of Value Added Tax. As the report rightly notes there is no doubt this would be regressive and so unacceptable. Instead it suggests five reforms, as follows:

First, the European Union should implement the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB). Under the current tax regime, multinationals file separate accounts for each country in which they operate; under the CCCTB, each company would compute only its EU-wide consolidated profit, on a common definition of the tax base. This profit would be allocated to member states on the basis of an apportionment formula containing factors such as shares in employment, payroll, assets and sales. Each member state would retain autonomy to tax its allocated share of profits at its own tax rate. This approach would allow countries to retain their own tax rate and pursue healthy tax competition. But within the EU, companies would have to actually move their staff and physical capital to the lower-tax regimes, rather than relying on the accounting mechanisms outlined above. In time, other jurisdictions could be encouraged to join, paving the way for an eventual global consolidated tax base.

Second, the EU and its member states should begin discussions with the International Accounting Standards Board to introduce a requirement that all multinational corporations report sales, profits and taxes paid in all jurisdictions in their audited annual reports and tax returns in what is known as country-by-country reporting. Country-by-country reporting discloses the profits that companies record in each jurisdiction in which they operate and the taxes that they pay on them. This means that they can be held accountable for what they do and do not pay. The requirement would complement the CCCTB by providing simple transparency on the activities of multinational companies in jurisdictions outside the EU.

Third, other jurisdictions should be encouraged to adopt the EU Savings Taxation Directive as a means of creating an automatic exchange of taxation information. Since 2005, the directive has ensured that paying agents either report interest income received by taxpayers resident in other EU member states or levy a withholding tax on the interest income received. In Cannes, Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh called for the G20 to take a lead on the issue ‘in the spirit of our [2009] London Summit that [said] “the era of bank secrecy is over”’ . But the communiqué only committed to ‘consider exchanging information automatically on a voluntary basis as appropriate’. The EU should also adopt an amendment to the savings directive which would close existing loopholes and prevent tax evasion by stopping taxpayers from channelling interest payments through trusts and intermediate tax-exempted structures.

Fourth, as the Financial Action Task Force has already recommended, the beneficial ownership of companies, trusts and foundations should be on the public record. This would prevent multinational corporations from using networks of international subsidiaries to transfer profits and reduce their tax liability. This reform would also have the added benefit of making money laundering and the handling of illicit funds more difficult.

Fifth, bilateral and multilateral donors should support developing countries in building their tax collection and enforcement agencies.

Taken together, these measures will act to reduce the power of tax competition and lower the incentives on companies to execute tax arbitrage strategies.

There is much in here that is based on my work, that of the Tax Justice Network and colleagues in the Task Force on Financial Integrity and Economic Development. I welcome that.

I welcome Peter Mandelson and Will Straw seeing the merit of these ideas over those that were technically presented to them by economists as superior, but which ignored the political realities of taxation.

The tide is turning: the merit of international cooperation on tax is becoming apparent. It will help get us out of the mess we’re in: that’s now indisputable by all those except the governments of those states that promote tax evasion and those who benefit from it.

 

Like the Labour Party I have major problems with the government’s pursuit of a ‘happiness’ agenda.

I have long felt ‘happiness’ a vacuous goal. That’s because, like making money, happiness is an epiphenomena that is the consequence of the achievement of some other goal: it can never be the goal in itself.

So, in The Courageous State I define the goal of human endeavour as being the achievement of a person’s potential. Potential in this sense simply means what a person is capable of doing. It sounds simple, but around the world billions of people are denied the chance to do just that every day. No wonder they’re not happy.

What they do instead is adapt to a circumstance in which they’re forced to accept a sub-standard opportunity for achievement.

It’s my fear that the supposedly clinical methods used to assist the achievement of happiness, whether CBT (cognitive behavioural therapy) or positive psychology, are not seen as ways of providing opprtunites to assist people achieve but are instead ways of conditioning people to accept the sub-optimal reality they’re being presented with daily. The promoters of these methods may be honourable: the political use of these ideas may not be.

In that case these psychologies offer no cure for the anger people are quite reasonably feeling. That anger is rational, deep seated and justified. Answers will only come when its causes are addressed. Teaching people to be ‘happy’ will not do that. It’s just a variant on pill popping. Treating the symptoms and not the casues of malaise in our society will not work.

It’s time people had the opportunities they deserve, and which our current market system is denying them.

 

A great video by David Cay Johnston, a Purlitzer Prize winning journalist with Reuters in the USA:

There’s more on this by David here. As he concludes:

After reading the news from Davos, ask yourself why we should listen to the Siren song of the financial elite. After all, the people who steered our financial ship into dangerous waters in the first place were at the very top of this group. We should listen more to those will suffer from austerity budgets: children who only get one chance at an education, the sick and disabled unable to support themselves and seniors too old to work.

If, like Odysseus, we wish to row past our current economic straits into a new sea of prosperity, the one thing we must not do is be driven to economic madness by the Siren call of austerity budgets.

 

 

It seems to be a day to share stuff from Compass – but this is good too.

Links are here.

I contributed to Plan B.

 

I agree with this by Howard Reed in White Flag Labour?

At the time of writing, all Labour has to show for eighteen months of opposition in terms of publicly announced economic policy – other than a continued commitment to the Darling plan on fiscal consolidation – is a five-point short-term fiscal stimulus plan, more transparency on executive pay along the lines suggested by the High Pay Commission, and some useful but limited commitments on taxation and utilities pricing.

At a time when there has arguably never been a greater need for a powerful broad-brush narrative on how Britain would be transformed, economically, under the next Labour Government, these measures are no more than promising dabs at the canvas. And it is this policy vacuum –rather than any failure to commit to closing the “structural deficit‟ – which is driving the current distrust of Labour on economic policy.

The need for that big narrative has never been greater.

The left has such narratives – the tax gap narrative is widely understood by many. S is the Green New Deal. Green Quantitative Easing is rapidly attracting attention more than a year after being first written. There is collective consensus on the need for a national investment bank. I have shown how to fund it using tax subsidised pension contributions. There are other narratives too, as Howard suggests on high ay and responsible capitalism.

It’s time for Labour to embrace them.

But there are some within it who want Labour to lose – most linked around the Policy Network pressure group, a neoliberal group that seems to have forgotten all Labour’s core concerns of tackling inequality and helping working people in its desire to huddle up to the City. And Howard and Compass are right to take them on because they need to be exposed as the cause of Labour’s current downturn in the polls.

 

In response to the ongoing economic crisis and in particular the debate around what Labour’s response to the budget deficit should Compass has published a briefing entitled ‘White Flag’ Labour? Fiscal policy for the UK’s next progressive Government.

‘White Flag’ Labour? has been written by Howard Reed and warns that if Labour accepts, in full and seemingly without question, the economic fallacies of “Osbornomics” it risks gifting the Tories an easy win at the 2015 election by allowing them completely to dictate the terms of the economic debate.

Furthermore, given the trouble that the Coalition’s deficit reduction programme has run into and the recent economic figures that confirm both jobs and economic activity are down it argues that it would seem ludicrous for Labour to jump on board the austerity bandwagon at just the point it seems to be coming off the rails.

In response to announcements made by the Labour Party in the media last week the briefing states that:

“ Ed Balls’ new strategy of accepting Coalition spending cuts as a fait accompli risks making it look like Labour has wholly accepted George Osborne’s fiscal strategy – demoralising Labour Party supporters who are fighting against them while allowing the Conservatives to dictate the terms of the economic debate ”

The briefing maintains that Labour’s ‘credibility gap’ on the economy comes not from its stance on the deficit but the fact that Labour were in Government during the economic crisis and that Labour have hardly given voters any reason to believe that they would manage the economy differently next time.

Looking beyond this Parliament the briefing reaffirms that an alternative progressive government – either a majority Labour government or Labour in coalition with the Lib Dems and/or other smaller parties – should deliver a clear ‘Plan B’ alternative to Coalition economic failure through a short-term fiscal stimulus to prevent a double-dip recession coupled with comprehensive reforms to the financial system, industrial policy, tax and benefit systems, and public spending.

Howard Reed is Director of Landman Economics and co-author of Plan B:a good economy for a good society. I contributed to that Plan B and rate Howard’s work highly. Plan B is available for download at http://compassonline.org.uk/publications/

Download the briefing here (PDF)

 

Stories abound on the fact that the UK supposedly has state debt of £1 trillion for the first time. This however is not true.

Over the last few years the UK has issued debt as shown below totalling about £560 billion. I have based all my data on the national accounts for the third quarter of 2011 unless otherwise noted. It’s the borrowing since 2008 that has supposedly given rise to the debt of £1 trillion.

UK net borrowings
Annually per UK government accounts, table A51
Year Net borrowing QE Net
£bn £bn £bn
2005  35,736  -  35,736
2006  35,543  -  35,543
2007  37,182  -  37,182
2008  66,368  -  66,368
2009  147,878  200,000 -52,122
2010  147,686  -  147,686
2011 (to Q3)  89,571  75,000  14,571
 Average (6.75 yrs)  42,216
Average borrowing as a proprtion of current GDP 2.91%

However, it should be noted that the government has done something else at least as significant. Through the quantitative easing programme the Bank of England has repurchased  or will be soon repurchasing near enough £275 billion of that debt (I’ve shown the last £75 billion as happening in Q3 of 2011 as that’s near enough when it was authorised).

Now the Bank of England is owned by the UK government so if, in accounting terms, a consolidated set of accounts were to be prepared the £275bn owed by the Treasury to the Bank of England would simply be crossed out, or ignored. The actual debt would only be £725 billion.

And in this case that would be absolutely the right point of view. There is no hope at all that this debt will ever be sold back into the markets: there’s enough new debt to sell to meet all market demand for UK debt without ever re-selling this stuff. So it’s absolutely right to say this debt does not exist and should not therefore be in the statistics at all because for all practical purposes it has already been written off. And as important, the interest paid on that £275 billion should not be considered government spending justifying cuts either: that interest is paid straight back to the government.

Then note what this does to the narrative on average borrowing. OK, this data misses quarter 4 of 2011 as the information is not yet available, but over 6.75 years the average borrowing is near enough just over £42 billion and that’s a remarkably consistent sum over time and is only 3% or so of current GDP; and that’s within the Maastricht limits, let it be noted.

Nor is there any hint now of this QE causing inflation, all of which can safely be said to have had other causes, not least because as Government accounts also show, the M3 measure of money supply has fallen steadily since 2009, meaning there is no prospect of inflation in the future either as a consequence of this process.

So we have no debt crisis. We just have misinformation about how big the debt is and about how much we’re borrowing. Tell the truth, as I have here, and you get a very different picture indeed. And that would also lead to very different economic policies too. Because tell this story and the focus need not be on cuts that we do not need but on growth that we do need. False accounting is forcing the national political agenda in a direction in which it need not go.

It’s all a matter of getting the story right and on this occasion it takes an accountant to do that.

So shall we stop all the other nonsense, now and get on with the real issue, which is we have low net borrowing that we can afford, lower interest costs than the government claims and the basis for sustainable recovery already in place. All we need to do is grab the opportunity.

 

It’s Davos week. Appropriate growth has to be on the agenda of all present. But so too does something else, and that’s tax evasion.

Tax evasion costs the world US$3.1 trillion a year in my estimation - at least 5% of world GDP. and we could stop some of it. I never pretend all of it: that’s impossible. But stopping some of it would radically restructure the economies of the world with special benefit for the poor.

In that case it’s good to see my Task Force on Financial Integrity and Economic Development  colleague Nick Mathiason in the Guardian today explaining five ways to tackle global tax evasion. Please read what he has to say, here.