The Observer’s business opinion column says this morning:

Baby-boomer bashing is all the rage. If the Monty Python team in their 1970s pomp were around today they might be asking: what have the over-50s ever done for us? The boomers had a laugh, and the Pythons can take some credit for that. They also tried to tackle social ills such as racism, sexism and homophobia. But on the debit side, they ran off with all the assets, many of them bequeathed by their wartime parents.

So now they sit in all the expensive houses, can lay claim to a huge chunk of the country’s stock market investments and almost all the generous final-salary pensions. They are living longer, but rather than pay more tax to fund the pensions bill, they focus on maintaining their benefits (no new housebuilding to keep property prices high and legislation guaranteeing their pensions in perpetuity are two examples).

According to the accountant Richard Murphy, one of the worst crimes committed by pension savers is their failure to divert at least some of their savings into investments for the next generation. If the chief accusation against boomers is their relentless pursuit of a golden retirement with little regard to the cost to everyone else, surely they can put some of their investments into renewing and rebuilding the infrastructure for the next generation?

In a 20-page report, Murphy dissects the subsidies on offer to pension savers and calculates the cost to the taxpayer.

He concludes pension savers receive a massive £38bn subsidy each year, much of which goes on fees and commissions to City advisers. What is left, he reckons, is used to pursue shorter-term gains from a mix of stock markets, hedge funds and private equity, alongside corporate bonds and gilts.

The subsidy in 2008/09 was made up from income tax relief on occupational and personal pensions (£16bn and £4.1bn, respectively). Sundry other tax breaks on various pension vehicles and £8.2bn relief on employers’ NI contributions make up the rest.

Murphy, who is one of the country’s pre-eminent tax experts, points out that a pension subsidy of this magnitude represents approximately 25% of the UK government’s current annual fiscal deficit, 7% of government income, and 5.5% of government spending if repeated in the current financial year.

He says: "To put it in context, this subsidy for private pensions is almost exactly the same as the current UK defence budget. From 1998/99 to 2008/09, pension subsidies to the UK private pension sector cost the government £300bn. That was 48.6% of net government debt at the end of 2008/09 and over 40% of the value of UK private pension funds at that date."

So do we conclude pension saving is a massively subsidised racket for the better off? It’s an easy point to make with a disturbing amount of truth in it.

Murphy argues we should maintain the subsidy, but only if the recipients divert at least a proportion of their funds into infrastructure investments and local authority bonds. "Our state subsidised saving for pensions makes no link between that activity and the necessary investment in new capital goods, infrastructure, job creation and skills that we need," he says.

The report was written with Colin Hines, a longtime advocate of a Green New Deal and a pal of Brighton’s Green MP, Caroline Lucas. Hines and Murphy argue that diverting £20bn of the subsidy into infrastructure projects would be a sufficient payback for working taxpayers and a younger generation that cannot afford many of the things boomers took for granted.

The pre-coalition Liberal Democrats wanted to cut the subsidy of higher-rate tax relief on pension contributions to achieve greater fairness. Murphy and Hines take the debate a step further. They draw together criticism of pension funds as opaque, antiquated institutions, that cloak costly and often fruitless investment plans in jargon, while spending billions of pounds on advisers, stockbrokers and investment bankers.

The Royal Mail pension scheme’s attempt, revealed last week, to break out of its sober investment plans with a £5bn bet on equity futures was mentioned in the scheme’s annual report, but in jargon that needs as much translation as hieroglyphics.

Murphy argues that without investment in kids’ futures, there should be no state subsidy. Seems reasonable.

Thanks!

 

Tax Research UK is a member of the Task Force on Financial Integrity and Economic Development.

The Task Force has its conference next week.

The Task Force has more than 70 allied members now, most from developing countries:

5th Pillar (USA)

Aakar Trust (India)

Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (Afghanistan)

AfriCOG (Kenya)

African Citizens Development Foundation (Nigeria)

African Monitor (South Africa)

African Network for Environmental and Economic Justice (Nigeria)

Anti Corruption Committee (India)

Article 19 (United Kingdom)

Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (Bangladesh)

BankTrack (The Netherlands)

Berne Declaration (Switzerland)

Campaign for America’s Future (USA)

Center for Research, Innovation and Training (Nepal)

Centre for Development Studies and Activities (India)

Centre for Transforming India (India)

Charities Aid Foundation India (India)

Development Action Group (South Africa)

Dream A Dream (India)

Economic Justice Network (South Africa)

Empowerment Gateway (Portugal)

eStandardsForum (USA)

Ethics Institute of South Africa (South Africa)

Ethiopian Economic Association (Ethiopia)

Experts in Responsible Investment Solutions (United Kingdom)

Foreign Policy in Focus (USA)

Global Concerns India (India)

Global Health Council (USA)

Global Network for Good Governance (Cameroon)

Gram Bharati Samiti (India)

HELIO International (France)

Indo-Global Social Service Society (India)

Indonesian Corruption Watch (Indonesia)

INSEC (Nepal)

Institute of Rural Research and Development (India)

Integrity Watch Afghanistan (Afghanistan)

Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (Kenya)

LATINDADD (Peru) Peru

Les Enfants D’Abord (France)

Lokoj Institue (Bangladesh)

Malaysian Society for Transparency and Integrity (Malaysia)

MANS (Montenegro)

Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns (USA)

MediaGlobal (USA)

Olive Leaf Foundation (South Africa)

Pakistani Institute of Legislative Development & Transparency (Pakistan)

Partners in Change (India)

Partnership for Transparency Fund (USA)

PRAGATI, Koraput (India)

Praxis (India)

Pro Public (Nepal)

Saath Charitable Trust (India)

SANGOCO (South Africa)

SHERPA (France)

Social Activities for Rural Development Society (India)

Society for All Round Development (India)

TANGO (Tanzania)

The Association on Third World Affairs (USA)

The Center for Economic and Social Development (Azerbaijan)

The Fight Against Corruption (South Africa)

The Foundation for the Development of Africa (South Africa)

The Oakland Institute (USA)

Transnational Institute (The Netherlands)

Transparency Ethiopia (Ethiopia)

Transparency International Indonesia (Indonesia)

Transparency International Nepal (Nepal)

Transparency International Pakistan (Pakistan)

Transparency International Uganda (Uganda)

Transparency Maroc (Morocco)

Transparency Zero Corruption (Macedonia)

Universal Giving (USA)

USAction (USA)

VOICE (Bangladesh)

World Policy Institute (USA

 

The Finance for the Future’s report ‚ÄòMaking Pensions Work’ when combined with my work on the tax gap  shows that there is now an alternative narrative available ion how to finance the sustainable growth this country needs.

As I’ve noted already on this blog, the deficits from 2002-03 to 2008-09 were as follows:

Of course matters went out of hand in 2008-09. That had nothing to do with Labour: that was the crash caused by the irresponsibility of the City.

It could be argued that the deficits before then were Labour’s choice, but note that this so called ‚Äòstructural deficit’ arose from misplaced belief that the private pensions industry could deliver two things. The first was real growth for the UK economy by investing responsibly. The second was sustainable private pensions. They did neither. In fact, in 2007-08 private pensions were £35 billion and the subsidy paid to provide them some £3bn more.

The average deficit in those years was around £35 to £40 billion – and would be a bit more now. Much of it was due to investment spending. This is the so called ‚Äòstructural deficit’. But the reality is that this deficit can be, and should now be, covered in two ways.

First, as I’ve suggested in ‚ÄòMaking Pensions Work’, up to one quarter of the £80 billion current annual pension fund contributions (or £20 billion) – should go into new investment that must be proven to result in new productive activity in the real economy. That could be by investment in a Green Investment Bank, by investment in a Green New Deal, by investment in infrastructure in place of PFI,  or by investment in the shares or bonds issued by a company – but those companies would have to show the proceeds of issue were being used for new investment and not for refinancing debt or paying for acquisitions or they would not qualify. This releases £20 billion of investment into the economy – to create the work and wealth that is needed for our long tem benefit.

Match that with the £20 billion I estimate could be raised by a concerted effort to close the tax gap – as an initial target – and there is £40 billion of funding needed to get our economy going again. Do that and we will have growth in the UK. And with growth in the UK the deficit will melt away – because tax receipts will clear it.

The point is a simple one: we now have the alternative economic narrative we need to show cuts are a choice, not a necessity. They’re a choice to impose cost on the UK: the real cost of mass unemployment, of failing public services, of recession rather than the prosperity from growth that I suggest is possible.

This, I suggest, is the narrative labour’s new shadow Chancellor should be pursuing.

 

The Finance for the Future report ‚ÄòMaking Pensions Work’ highlight the fact that by March 2009 almost half of all government borrowing at that time, totalling £619 billion, could be explained by pension tax relief given to the private sector pension industry over the previous decade.

Looking at the data on an annual basis for a selected number of years the relationship between the deficit and the cost of subsiding pensions is clear:

 

Data comes from table c4 of budget statements on actual out turns of income and spending, aggregating current and investment spending and allowing for depreciation. The pension subsidy data comes from HMRC and includes NIC and excludes the offset (which has no accounting or economic logic to it) of tax paid on pension incomes.

What is then obvious is that we ran a deficit in this country for the six years to 2007-08 to subsides the pension industry: an industry that was so inefficient that in the last year total pensions it paid were less than the subsidy it received.

We cannot afford for this to happen again.

 

The Finance for the Future report, Making Pensions Work, published today includes detailed calculations supporting its claim that

In the financial year 2009/10 UK state pensions cost the Exchequer £66.8 billion[i]. In combination that was 54.1% of all administered by the Department for Work and Pensions (totaling £123.3 billion)[ii] and amounted to almost exactly 10.0% of all government spending[iii] and 4.8% of UK estimated GDP[iv]. The equivalent figure for old age pensions in 2007/08 was £57.6 bn[v]. This however, is not the whole story when it comes to the cost to the state of pension provision. When the full story is told the situation is much more complex.

To put this in context, in 2007/08 (the latest year for which comprehensive data is currently available) HM Revenue & Customs record that income from all “other pensions” (i.e. pensions other than state old age pensions) declared on tax returns amounted to £60 billion[vi]. This figure is somewhat bigger than the figure calculated by National Statistics for total pension fund payments in that year, which amounted to £35 billion (plus an additional £6 billion of very largely tax free lump sum payments made on retirement which are therefore not reflected on tax returns)[vii].

The reconciliation between total “other” pension income of £60 billion and the sum paid by private pension funds must, of course, be made up of the unfunded, pay as you go, state pensions paid as a result of accrued employment rights. These arise, for example, for members of the civil service who work for the state and who nominally contribute part of their salary to a pension fund as a consequence, but where the state does not actually invest these funds but does instead use them to pay the pensions of those already in retirement – hence the term ‚Äòpay as you go’. The total of these pension payments, by deduction, amounted to approximately £25 billion in 2007/08. As a proportion of GDP this is 1.7%, a number confirmed to be correct by the National Audit Office[viii].

A summary of pensions paid in 2007/08 is, therefore, as follows (within reasonable parameters of calculation):

Type of pension

Sum paid £’bn

State old age pensions

57.6

Private sector pensions

35.0

State employment related pensions

25.0

Sub-total, pensions paid

117.6

Private sector, lump sums

6.0

Total pension returns, including lump sums

123.6

Of this sum £82.6 billion appears to be paid directly by the state and £41 billion by the private sector of which £6 billion is not treated as income for tax purposes.

It may also be worth noting that National Statistics additionally calculated that pension funds spent £5 billion on administration and costs in 2007/08, bringing the total cost of paying taxable pensions of £35 billion to £46 billion in the year[ix].

It is then important to note that in the same year, 2007/08, the total sum paid by companies and individuals into pension funds amounted to £83.1 billion[x]. The total tax relief given on these contributions cost HM Revenue & Customs £37.6 billion in the year in question[xi]. This is made up as follows[xii]:

As is clear from this data – a belief in private pensions as the basis for future provision looks forlorn because even in their good years (which may now be over) they appear to have supplied only £35 billion of ongoing pension payments (at most) out of a total of £117.6 billion of total pension payments, or less than one third of pension payments. And they did so at a total cost to the state for pension tax relief of £37.6 billion.

Putting this data together does suggest that the total cost to the state of paying pensions is:

Cost

Sum paid £’bn

State old age pensions

57.6

State employment related pensions

25.0

Cost of pension tax relief in addition to the above

37.6

Total

120.2

In other words, and allowing for inevitable rounding in all estimates of this sort and the fact that these ratios are bound to change a little from year to year, every single pension payment made in 2007/08, totalling £117.6 billion in all (if lump sums are ignored) was made at eventual direct cost to the UK government, even if not paid directly by it. The private sector did not, in effect, bear any of the burden in that year of paying pensions to members of private sector pension funds. Those private pensions were, in effect, paid entirely out of the state subsidies that the pension industry or those making pension contributions (whether as employer or as employee) received, directly or indirectly.


[i] http://www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/hc1011/hc02/0296/0296.pdf note 15

[ii] http://www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/hc1011/hc02/0296/0296.pdf page 49

[iii] HM treasury budget data

[iv] HM Treasury

[v] http://www.dwp.gov.uk/docs/report-2007-08.pdf note 16a

[vi] http://www.hmrc.gov.uk/stats/income_distribution/3-6table-jan2010.pdf

[vii] http://www.statistics.gov.uk/downloads/theme_compendia/pensiontrends/Pension_Trends_ch09.pdf

[viii] http://www.nao.org.uk/idoc.ashx?docId=2fadc187-720d-49a0-a290-442e7e67454e&version=-1

[ix] ibid

[x] http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.asp?id=1283

[xi] http://www.tuc.org.uk/pensions/tuc-16929-f0.cfm. Note the ratio is more than 40% because of the combination of income tax, corporation tax and national insurance reliefs.

[xii] http://www.hmrc.gov.uk/stats/pensions/table7-9.pdf

 

Finance for the Future, a partnership between me and fellow Green New Deal member and environmentalist Colin Hines, has published a new report this weekend. Entitled ‚ÄòMaking Pensions Work’ it explores the reasons for the failure of the UK pension industry to supply decent pensions for all when the UK’s supposed economic specialism is the supply of financial services.

We recognise that the UK has a pension crisis and that lots of supposed explanations and excuses have been offered. The general assumption is that it is state pensions that are the cause of our problems. This report challenges that assumption. It shows that the problem in the UK’s pension system is not to be found in the state sector, but within our private pension funds.

The findings are shocking. Using data for the most recent year available – 2007/08 – we show that total pensions paid in that year amounted to £117.6 billion. Of this sum £57.6 billion was state old aged pensions, £25 billion was state employment related pensions paid to former civil servants and other former public employees and £35 billion was private sector pension payments.

The subsidy to the UK private pension industry is bigger than the pensions they pay

In the same year the total cost of subsidies to the private UK pension industry through tax and national insurance reliefs on contributions made and from the tax exemption of income of pension funds amounted to £37.6 billion. The result was that, albeit indirectly, the entire cost of private sector pensions paid in that year was covered by tax reliefs given to the private sector pension funds that paid them. To put it another way, every single penny of the cost of UK pension payments in 2007/08 was in effect paid by the UK government.

The annual pension industry subsidy is as big as the defence budget – but no one is questioning it

Understanding this quite shocking fact changes two debates. A pension subsidy of about £38 billion represents approximately 25% of the UK government’s current annual fiscal deficit, 7% of government income and 5.5% of government spending if repeated in the current financial year. To put it in context, this subsidy for private pensions is almost exactly the same as the current UK defence budget. This makes the subsidy given to our pension industry one of the biggest items of state spending in the UK. And yet, to date, no one has asked if it is justified, or well spent, or should continue. In an environment where cuts are being threatened for almost all state spending this is an extraordinary situation.

Subsidies to private pensions over ten years represented almost half of all government borrowing by March 2009

It is all the more surprising when it is realised that from 1998/99 to 2008/09 pension subsidies to the UK private pension sector cost the UK government £300 billion[i]. To put this in context, in March 2009 total UK government borrowing was £617 billion. In other words, almost half of all UK government debt at the end of 2008/09 had arisen solely because of subsidies given to private pensions over the previous decade. Understanding this changes the deficit debate and yet it has entirely avoided discussion to date[ii].

The direction of pension reform is wrong

Simple consideration of these facts leads to the obvious conclusion that the current direction of UK pension reform is wrong. That reform, proposed by Lord Turner and legislated by the last Labour government assumed a world of ongoing economic growth and ever rising stock markets. From 2013 onwards the 56% of people in the UK who currently do not save for a pension will be heavily encouraged to do so through the NEST contributory defined pension scheme that is scheduled to be introduced from that year, with full implementation in 2016. Contributions will amount to 8% of an employees pay – which some have suggested as unaffordable as the state pensions the system is meant to supplement.

Understanding the fundamental pension contract

It is our suggestion that this scheme is unaffordable because it ignores the fundamental pension contract that should exist within any society. This is that one generation, the older one, will through its own efforts create capital assets and infrastructure in both the state and private sectors which the following younger generation can use in the course of their work. In exchange for their subsequent use of these assets for their own benefit that succeeding younger generation will, in effect, meet the income needs of the older generation when they are in retirement. Unless this fundamental compact that underpins all pensions is honoured any pension system will fail.

This compact is ignored in the existing pension system that does not even recognise that it exists. Our state subsidised saving for pensions makes no link between that activity and the necessary investment in new capital goods, infrastructure, job creation and skills that we need as a country. As a result state subsidy is being given with no return to the state appearing to arise as a consequence, precisely because this is a subsidy for saving which does not generate any new wealth. This is the fundamental economic problem and malaise in our current pension arrangement.

The reform that is needed

In this paper we set out our evidence that demonstrates the inadequacy of the performance of current private pension funds and we show as a result how misguided it would be to base the future well being of the elderly population of this country on this failed model of pension provision. We do, however, go further by offering recommendations for radical reform of our pension system.

Pension tax relief must be linked to real investment in real jobs and real technology and real new infrastructure

Most importantly we suggest that if those pension funds are to attract tax relief in future they must use a significant part of the £80 billion of contributions they receive each year to invest in new jobs, new technology and new infrastructure for the UK so that the wealth that is needed to grow our economy, to create jobs and to build the real capital base that must be passed to the next generation is built on the back of pension fund investment. As the report shows they do not do this at present. Most of the assets of pension funds are currently invested in short term speculation that has no impact on real growth prospects in our economy, and may actually harm it.

Pension funds must be accountable

Next we suggest radical improvements in the transparency of pension funds so that all pension investors can hold them to account for the use of the money entrusted to their care – something that is impossible to do at present.

Clearing pension deficits and mutualising ownership

Thirdly, we recommend that current pension deficits in final salary schemes be cleared wherever possible by the issue of new shares in the companies responsible for those funds. This would stop the current fruitless drainage of cash out of companies that should be used for real investment and which is instead directed via pension funds into the stock market to buy shares in other companies, the only benefit of which is to create a spiral of stock exchange boom and bust. We also suggest that future contributions to such final salary pension schemes might also be paid, at least in part, by issuing new shares in the companies responsible for those final salary pension schemes. This would free cash within those companies for real investment in real products and services that create wealth in the UK economy. The benefit of that investment in new products and services would then be shared with the people working in those companies as a result of the mutualisation of their ownership via their pension funds.

Stopping the subsidy to the City of London and investing it in jobs

Lastly we recommend that if enforced saving is to be required by the government then that government has a duty to ensure that the funds so saved are invested for the common good. Pension fund performance over the last decade has a been a history of almost perpetual loss making despite the enormous subsidies that pension fund tax relief has provided to the City of London and stock markets, all of which they have frittered away. Investment in local authority bonds for local regeneration, or in bonds or shares issued by a new Green Investment Bank and in hypothecated bonds e.g. to provide alternative funding to replace the inefficiently expensive Private Finance Initiative for funding public sector infrastructure projects would have prevented those losses – because all of these would have paid positive returns to pension fund investors. It is for exactly this reason that we recommend that such assets be the basis for any new state pension fund in the future.

The impact of reform

The impact of our proposals would be significant. At least £20 billion a year would be released into the UK economy for new investment.

People would understand what their pension funds were doing, and could hold them to account for it.

State subsidies to pension funds would produce real economic returns for the government.

And the incentive to save in pensions would be real – because people would see the benefits of doing so for their immediate well being, for their own future income and for the benefit of their children.

To date pension funds have been an almost perfect example of what Keynes described as ‚Äòthe paradox of thrift’ – saving that sucked demand and well being out of the economy. We need something very different now. We need pension funds that can build economic will being for the present and the future. The recommendation in this report show that sensible reform of pension funds and the tax subsidies they enjoy could make pension funds the engine for economic regeneration in the UK. No reform is of greater importance than that.

That is why we want to make pensions work right now, for the future of the elderly in this country and for our children.

The report is available here.

Sep 252010
 

Ed Miliband suits me.

And gives the best chance of delivery of what I want.

Especially if Ed Ball is shadow chancellor.

 

We will have a new Labour leader today.

Whichever Miliband brother it is there is a clear need for them to move Labour left.

Let’s be honest: that won’t be hard. But I note the old beasts are still fighting back – saying Labour must follow the neoliberal line.

They’re wrong.

People are frightened in this country.

Frightened of what neoliberalism is doing to the country. What it is doing to them. To those all around them.

I believe a large number value and want what the state supplies.

I believe a large number will be willing to pay for it.

I believe Labour has to give them that choice.

And it must argue for jobs.

For investment.

For a Green New Deal.

For tax justice.

For regulated banks.

For greater equality.

For more progressive taxation.

For more opportunity for most, not great opportunity for a few.

Most of all it must say people come first.

That means people before the City.

But also people having a right to be heard – yes – liberty is key.

And if that’s to happen Labour needs to commit to democracy – electoral reform, reform of the Lords, a commitment to a free press, a commitment to letting people earn their livings in their own businesses if they want, a commitment to people having a right to work for fair pay, a commitment to supporting the weakest in communities- and giving real opportunity to the rest and expecting them within reason to take it, a commitment to justice that is affordable and a commitment to equality that lets people feel proud to be members of their community. A commitment to fair tax for all, not just some. A commitment to providing essential services free at the point of supply. A commitment to the state when it is the best mechanism to supply services (as so often it is). A commitment to the employees of the state – and to treat them as respected members of the community, which is not the case under this government. And a commitment to business when it can perform best. A commitment to honour free speech, association and the right to dissent, to organise and protest. A commitment to deliver a state that enhances the well being of ordinary people above all else in this country – even if at the expense of some with power and influence.

That’s what moving left means.

That’s what this country wants.

It’s a benchmark tested by jobs being available, housing being affordable, pensions being meaningful, education delivering opportunity, health care liberating those who really suffer. And yet more than that – it’s tested by people feeling that they belong. That they can, as a result of what the government does, live without fear: the fear of inability, unemployment, homelessness, ill health, old age, misfortune and exclusion. And which then lets them take the risks that vibrant communities both encourage and foster.

That’s what a new Labour leader has to deliver.

That’s the benchmark I’m setting.

It’s ambitious.

It is deliverable.

It’s what I want a government to do.

I hope a Miliband can.

 

Marina Hyde made the best comment I’ve read so far today:

If his speech this week meant anything, [Vince Cable] must block [Rupert Murdoch’s plan to take over Sky] to protect the media plurality essential to democracy.

Writing last Sunday in support of such a block, David Puttnam revived a warning of Lord McNally’s from only a few years ago. "In the 1930s," his lordship had reminded parliament, "we were afraid that the fascists would take over the government and then control the press; in the 21st century, there may be a danger that the fascists will take control of the press and then control the government. The dangers are there."

Indeed they are, as an increasingly rampant Fox News foreshadows.

Why not name the beast?

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